Welcome to
Dale Ogden’s Blog on
www.dalefogden.net

I want
Individual Freedom
Personal Responsibility
Minimum Government
Minimum Taxes
Dale Ogden for Governor
of California 2010
www.dalefogden.org
“Small Government is Beautiful”
For more information, e-mail
info@dalefogden.org
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“I cannot undertake to lay my finger on that article of the
Constitution which granted a right to Congress of expending, on objects of
benevolence, the money of their constituents...” --James Madison “Any alleged ‘right’ of one man, which necessitates
the violation of the rights of another, is not and cannot be a right.”
— Ayn Rand “Dependence begets subservience and venality, suffocates the
germ of virtue, and prepares fit tools for the designs of ambition.”
--Thomas Jefferson, Notes on Virginia, Query 19, “Manufactures”
[1781] “The whole aim of practical politics is to keep the populace
alarmed, and hence clamorous to be led to safety, by menacing it with an
endless series of hobgoblins, all of them imaginary.” – H.L.
Mencken “The greatest
dangers to liberty lurk in insidious encroachment by men of zeal,
well-meaning, but without understanding.” — Judge Louis D.
Brandeis “Obama, Reid
and Pelosi might snicker, but they obviously don’t understand the
difference between [Las] Vegas and Washington D.C. You know what it is? In
[Las] Vegas the drunks gamble with their own money.” —Wayne Allyn
Root [Libertarian Candidate for Vice President 2008; likely Presidential
candidate 2012]
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“Honor, justice, and humanity,
forbid us tamely to surrender that freedom which we received from our gallant
ancestors, and which our innocent posterity have a right to receive from us.
We cannot endure the infamy and guilt of resigning succeeding generations to
that wretchedness which inevitably awaits them if we basely entail hereditary
bondage on them.” --Thomas Jefferson “The battle, sir,
is not to the strong alone; it is to the vigilant, the active, the brave...
[I]t is now too late to retire from the contest. There is no retreat but in
submission and slavery! Our chains are forged! Their clanking may be heard on
the plains of Boston! The war is inevitable -- and let it come! I repeat it,
sir, let it come!” --Patrick Henry
3/31/2010: United
States of Argentina [It may be hyperbole,
but it is food for thought] Argentine
President Juan Peron frittered away his nation’s prosperity by
introducing redistributionist economic and regulatory policies, nationalizing
utilities and pumping up the national debt — all leading to three
decades of instability and stagnation. (AP Photo, 1951) When
White House Chief of Staff Rahm Emanuel last year advised “never waste
a good crisis,” he likely was thinking ahead to President Obama’s
economic stimulus program and health care plan. After swelling the federal
deficit by passing the stimulus at a cost of nearly $1 trillion, Democrats in
Congress signed off on Obamacare, with a price tag, according to Rep. Paul
Ryan, R-Wis., of $2.3 trillion in its first decade alone. With federal
spending exploding at such a rate, it’s no wonder that Moody’s Investor
Service recently warned that it would downgrade the U.S. government’s
credit rating if it concludes “the government was unable and/or
unwilling to quickly reverse the deterioration it has incurred.” What
the United States government will do in the future may be in question, but we
need not look far to find past examples of countries unwilling to get their
finances in order. Consider Argentina. In 1914, it was one of the wealthiest
countries in the world, and its living standard exceeded that of Western
Europe until the late 1950s. Then President Juan Peron squandered his nation’s
prosperity by introducing a host of redistributionist economic and regulatory
policies, nationalizing utilities and foreign investments, and pumping up the
national debt. What followed was three decades of political instability,
growing dependency, and economic stagnation. There
was a brief period of privatization and booming foreign investment in what
the American Enterprise Institute’s Mark Falcoff called Argentina’s
“go go” 1990s. But that was negated by the return of political
leaders espousing Peronist principles who created a downward economic spiral
by breaking contracts with foreign utility companies that had invested
heavily in Argentina. Today, the country has lost its international credit
standing and an estimated 10 percent of the population has moved abroad to
escape the stifling taxes, regulation and inefficiency. To make matters
worse, President Cristina Kirchner recently attracted attention for firing
the president of the country’s central bank. His sin was refusing to go
along with her inflationary spending policies (Argentina’s inflation is
17 percent) and challenging her demand that he hand over $6.6 billion in bank
reserves. Besides
sending federal spending skyrocketing, Obama has, like so many of the
politicians who ruined Argentina, dramatically increased government
regulation of business, nationalized major sectors of the economy, and
imposed a lengthy list of tax increases. America today is no more exempt from
economic reality than Argentina was in years past. Make no mistake, these
actions will eventually drain the life from this nation’s economic
vitality, just as they did in Argentina. 3/30/2010: Americans
Remain Concerned About Costs of Healthcare Bill 3/29/2010: American Capitalism
Gone With A Whimper 3/20/2010: Civil
Liberties in Obama’s America by Anthony Gregory The
following is based on a talk delivered at the Free State Project’s
Liberty Forum in Nashua, New Hampshire, Saturday, March 20, 2010. In
the United States, civil liberties are seen as the province of the left. The
ACLU, the Bar Association, the Democratic Party, people who err in favor of
procedural protections for criminals and even terrorists—this is what
tends to come to mind to conservatives who condemn civil liberties as a
leftist interest, and to liberals who celebrate it as a great anchor of their
political philosophy. But
what happens when the left-liberals are in charge of the executive branch,
its police, its justice department, prosecutors and military courts?
Predictably, conservatives fear the government will be soft on foreign and
domestic villains. Liberals hold out hope that due process will be
restored... After
week one [as president], however, Obama reverted to Bush detention policy in
virtually every way. One of the first major disgraces concerned detainees at
Bagram, the prison camp in Afghanistan, where Bush began shipping more
detainees after Guantanamo was no longer his lawless playground, and where
Obama has increased funding and the prison population. Four men sued for
habeas relief. Justice John Bates, a federal judge appointed by Bush found
that habeas should apply, in limited capacity, to Bagram, given that the
Supreme Court ruled that it extended to Guantanamo. Obama’s
administration appealed this ruling, using Bushian reasoning down the line... Everything
is just ramped up under Obama. Instead of state secrets to protect
information on the warrantless wiretapping, they claim sovereign immunity.
Instead of a poor excuse for law at Gitmo, they celebrate no law at all at
Bagram. Everything is sold in the name of the rule of law and American
decency, but the policies are the same or worse. Now they want the power to
indefinitely detain U.S. citizens on U.S. soil and Obama claims the right to
assassinate U.S. citizens he deems enemies of the empire as long as they are
on foreign soil. We live under a leviathan where there is no geographic
escape. If you managed to escape the Soviet Union, its jurisdiction was
mostly behind you. If you leave America, you could still have to pay taxes
and if they deem you an enemy combatant you can be liquidated by drone attack
in the name of national security. Of
course, detention policy is only one of many concerns for civil libertarians,
although it really does get to the crux of the totalitarianism that sits
behind the mask of American security policy. We now have a TSA that is
getting only worse, with full-body scans being implemented so as to stop the
Christmas bomber, which probably wouldn’t have been stopped this way.
Immediately after the failed bombing, blankets were taken away from
commercial passengers—as though not allowing passengers to have
blankets makes any sense in light of a man trying to set himself on fire. And
of course, all the terrorist attacks being thwarted are being thwarted by
private actors, passengers and crew... The
left must be converted to libertarianism, and some of them can, just as some
of the right can, but it is as clear to me as ever that the desire to
separate some freedoms from others makes it impossible to reliably defend
any. The Republicans were supposed to deliver a government at least slightly
smaller than Al Gore would have given. Instead they started two murderous
wars, destroyed the economy more than Clinton would have in 30 years, and
desecrated most of the remaining virtues of the Constitution. Obama was
supposed to deliver us from these excesses and has instead stepped on the
gas. The whole time, the people on Team A or B cheer on their champions and
lose sight of principle, if they had any to begin with. To say Clinton killed
a bunch of peaceful if strange people in Waco was simply seen as being on the
Republican side, so virtually the entire left defended that massacre... When
a left-liberal friend expresses disappointment with Obama’s war on the
Bill of Rights, just note that it was inevitable. This is a party that is
hostile to private property, the anchor of all individual liberties and
rights, and enamored of the managerial central state, the greatest modern
enemy of all liberties. Leftists will have to make a choice—bail on
their civil libertarianism, as most did under FDR, defending Japanese
Internment and national command economics, or bailing on their dream of
creating social paradise, or even fostering society, through the violent
means of central planning. We must be there to explain how it all goes
together, and although I am pessimistic we will break most of Obama’s
groupies out of the hypnotic delusions of his professorial and literate
American Idol authoritarianism, we will convince some, even many, one by one,
to abandon the rot of soft socialism that has plagued the American left since
World War I, and instead embrace the only ethic that can morally transcend
Bush’s and Obama’s dungeons, wiretaps and crackdowns on dissent:
The ethic of anti-state libertarianism grounded in private property. And as
they come in, one by one, let us welcome them with open arms as we do our
slow and uphill work to bring the police state down.
3/27/2010: The
ObamaCare Writedowns It’s
been a banner week for Democrats: ObamaCare passed Congress in its final form
on Thursday night, and the returns are already rolling in. Yesterday AT&T
announced that it will be forced to make a $1 billion writedown due solely to
the health bill, in what has become a wave of such corporate losses. This
wholesale destruction of wealth and capital came with more than ample
warning. Turning over every couch cushion to make their new entitlement look
affordable under Beltway accounting rules, Democrats decided to raise taxes
on companies that do the public service of offering prescription drug
benefits to their retirees instead of dumping them into Medicare. We and
others warned this would lead to AT&T-like results, but like so many
other ObamaCare objections Democrats waved them off as self-serving or “political.” Perhaps
that explains why the Administration is now so touchy. Commerce Secretary
Gary Locke took to the White House blog to write that while ObamaCare is
great for business, “In the last few days, though, we have seen a
couple of companies imply that reform will raise costs for them.” In a
Thursday interview on CNBC, Mr. Locke said “for them to come out, I
think is premature and irresponsible.” Meanwhile,
Henry Waxman and House Democrats announced yesterday that they will haul
these companies in for an April 21 hearing because their judgment “appears
to conflict with independent analyses, which show that the new law will
expand coverage and bring down costs.” In
other words, shoot the messenger. Black-letter financial accounting rules
require that corporations immediately restate their earnings to reflect the
present value of their long-term health liabilities, including a higher tax
burden. Should these companies have played chicken with the Securities and
Exchange Commission to avoid this politically inconvenient reality? Democrats
don’t like what their bill is doing in the real world, so they now want
to intimidate CEOs into keeping quiet. On
top of AT&T’s $1 billion, the writedown wave so far includes Deere
& Co., $150 million; Caterpillar, $100 million; AK Steel, $31 million;
3M, $90 million; and Valero Energy, up to $20 million. Verizon has also
warned its employees about its new higher health-care costs, and there will
be many more in the coming days and weeks. As
Joe Biden might put it, this is a big, er, deal for shareholders and the
economy. The consulting firm Towers Watson estimates that the total hit this
year will reach nearly $14 billion, unless corporations cut retiree drug
benefits when their labor contracts let them. Meanwhile,
John DiStaso of the New Hampshire Union Leader reported this week that
ObamaCare could cost the Granite State’s major ski resorts as much as
$1 million in fines, because they hire large numbers of seasonal workers
without offering health benefits. “The choices are pretty clear, either
increase prices or cut costs, which could mean hiring fewer workers next
winter,” he wrote. The
Democratic political calculation with ObamaCare is the proverbial boiling
frog: Gradually introduce a health-care entitlement by hiding the true costs,
hook the middle class on new subsidies until they become unrepealable, but
try to delay the adverse consequences and major new tax hikes so voters don’t
make the connection between their policy and the economic wreckage. But their
bill was such a shoddy, jerry-rigged piece of work that the damage is coming
sooner than even some critics expected. 3/26/2010: Vallejo’s
Painful Lessons in Municipal Bankruptcy by Steven Greenhut In
2008, Vallejo, Calif., was nearly broke. Faced with falling tax revenues, rising
pension costs, and unmovable public-employee unions, the city was unable to
pay its bills and declared bankruptcy. Now, as it prepares to emerge from
Chapter 9, officials in Los Angeles, San Diego and other cities across the
state are looking to see if Vallejo has blazed a trail for them to get out
from under their own crushing pension costs. What they’re finding is
that even bankruptcy may not be enough to break the grip unions have on the
public purse. Vallejo
is a Bay Area community of 121,000 that two years ago became the state’s
largest city to declare bankruptcy. Like other municipalities, its
public-sector unions had driven its budget deep into the red. A report issued
by the Cato Institute last September noted that 74% of the city’s
general budget was eaten up by police and firefighter salaries and overtime
along with pension obligations. The average city in the state spends 60% of
its budget on those things. The
study also found that lavish pay and benefit packages were a root cause of
the city’s problems. In Vallejo compensation packages for police
captains top $300,000 a year and average $171,000 a year for firefighters.
Regular public employees in the city can retire at age 55 with 81% of their
final year’s pay guaranteed. Police and fire officials can retire at
age 50 with a pension that pays them 90% of their final year’s salary
every year for life and the lives of their spouses. Over
the past five years, Vallejo has slashed spending where it could, mostly by
cutting personnel and services. As a recent San Francisco Chronicle editorial
pointed out, the city cut its police force to about 100 officers from nearly
160 and warned residents to use the 911 system judiciously, even while it
experienced crime rates higher than other comparable cities in California.
The city has also cut funding for a senior center, youth groups, and arts
organizations and has done little to restore an increasingly decrepit
downtown, develop waterfront properties, or attract new businesses. To
permanently bring its spending in line with its tax base, however, at some
point Vallejo will have to do something about its pensions. U.S. bankruptcy
judge Michael McManus, as the National law Journal reported last March, “held
the city of Vallejo, Calif., has the authority to void its existing union
contracts in its effort to reorganize.” But
when it came to voiding those contracts on pensions—a major driver of
public expenses—the city blinked. The “workout plan” the
city approved in December calls for cuts in services, staff and even some
benefits, such as health benefits for retirees. However, it does not touch
public-employee pensions. Indeed, it increases the pension contributions the
city pays. This
week, the city did approve a new firefighter contract that trims pension benefits
for new hires and requires existing firefighters to pay more into their
pensions. But that contract doesn’t touch existing pensions. Nor does
it affect police officers or other city workers. It also leaves the city with
a $1.2 million shortfall. “The majority [of council members] did not
have the political will to touch the pink elephant in the room—public
safety influence, benefits and pay,” Vice Mayor Stephanie Gomes told
me. A
home along the waterfront is shown up for lease by the City of Vallejo in
Vallejo, Calif. Vallejo’s
unwillingness to go after existing pensions and wage other fights necessary
to put the city on stable financial footing sets a bad example. Other cities
will now find it harder to use the threat of bankruptcy (or bankruptcy itself)
to get unions to agree to rein in pension costs. That’s
unfortunate. For years, Vallejo and cities throughout the state have fattened
pension benefits for public employees, worrying more about the next election
cycle than about the ability of their municipalities to make good on lush
promises. Now that the bills are coming due, officials are scrambling to find
ways to upend gold-plated pension benefits or at least create cheaper
benefits for new employees. For
example, after granting two pension increases in the past decade Orange
County’s Board of Supervisors is now suing in state court to overturn
the portion of those increases that granted a retroactive payment to
retirees. The county claims that payout was an unconstitutional gift of
taxpayer funds to union employees. But it lost in Los Angeles Superior Court
last year and will likely lose again on appeal, notwithstanding the fact that
the case seems to be based on sound legal reasoning. That
leaves bankruptcy as probably the most effective tool in the drawer for
lowering pension obligations. But if officials are unwilling to demand
pension concessions in bankruptcy, there will be few choices left to balance
their budgets other than support from the state that itself is facing steep
budget deficits, or local tax hikes that could undermine local economies and
thereby drive down tax revenues over the long term. That’s a sobering
thought in what is an already struggling economy, and an argument for
government officials to be much more stingy in granting pension increases in
the first place. Mr.
Greenhut is the author of “Plunder! How Public Employee Unions Are
Raiding Treasuries, Controlling Our Lives And Bankrupting The Nation”
(The Forum Press, 2009) and the director of the Pacific Research Institute’s
Journalism Center in Sacramento. This article was adapted from the
forthcoming issue of City Journal. 3/26/2010: Wishful
Thinking on Health Care by Sheldon Richman This is an elaboration of
my remarks at the seventh annual Jolicoeur Seminar, an event put on this week
by FEE and the economics department at Western New England College,
Springfield, Mass. How an issue is framed is
crucial to how it is decided. Advocates of the package of health insurance
regulations, taxes, and mandates known as ObamaCare managed to frame the
issue as “reform versus the status quo.” But to call the
Obama-Pelosi-Reid plan (OPR) “reform” is to beg the question by
assuming precisely what needs to be proved: namely, that the legislative
package would actually reform — that is, improve — the medical
system. Therefore the debate should have been not whether reform is desirable
– real reform (improvement) is always desirable — but whether OPR
is really reform. A better framing of the
issue would have been: real reform versus the status quo on steroids, for in
the end OPR is little more than what Holman Jenkins of the Wall Street
Journal calls a “doubling down on the system’s existing
perversities.” For example, under OPR everyone will be forced to become
a customer of the health insurance industry that the ruling political class
just spent a year demonizing, and that industry will reap billions in
taxpayer subsidies. Moreover, demand for medical services will be further
insulated from true costs. That is already the source of so much of what’s
wrong today. Let’s look at the
newly signed law from four perspectives: moral, fiscal, economic, and
political. Morality For a century the
foundation of medicine in the United States has steadily shifted from
cooperation and competition to compulsion and management through government
power. In 1910 the Flexner Report, financed by the Carnegie Foundation, set
in motion the process by which medical education and practice would be
regulated by a physician cartel deriving its coercive power from government
primarily at the state level. While the need for such management was publicly
justified as a way to protect patients, what doctors told one another when no
one else could hear was that their incomes not their patients were endangered
by too many medical schools graduating too many doctors. Over the next 20
years, many independent medical colleges were closed. Was it mere chance that
women’s and African-American medical colleges were the first to go and
that, as a result, the smaller, more lucrative medical profession was firmly
white and male? Since that time, coercive
administration – primarily in the form of state licensing – more
and more took the place of patient-driven contract, competition, and
cooperation. When fraternal organizations tried to bring affordable medical
care to their middle- and low-income members through “lodge practice,”
the protectionist medical cartel struck back and eventually destroyed this
promising alternative to self-serving institutional medicine. During World
War II the crucial, if inadvertent, step was taken toward top-down control of
the payment mechanism. The tax code became the means of inducing individuals to
rely on employers and insurance for medical services. Money individually and
privately spent on medical care would be subject to the tax collector, while
money that one’s employer used for the same purpose would not. The
result, intended or not, was to accustom people to rely on big intimidating
bureaucracies for the payment of medical bills. Health care appeared to be
free or well below its true cost — as long as the relevant bureaucracy
approved of what was bought. The entitlement/supplicant frame of mind was
established, which served the cause of centralization and further control by
the government-medical complex. OPR is another step, though probably not the
last, in that process. Meanwhile each state
became a protectionist-regulatory insurance guild that limited entry and
competition in return for compliance with mandates and price guidelines that
let regulators masquerade as the people’s advocates, while saddling
policy holders with expensive, unneeded coverage. Many people were priced out
the market, giving politicians a cause: the uninsured. Government then assumed
direct control over a good portion of medical spending through Medicare and
Medicaid, bringing us to the point where third-party payments account for
more than 85 percent of all medical spending in the United States. As someone
has said, the patient is only needed to sign the papers that prompt one
bureaucracy to cut a check for another. Viewed historically, then,
OPR is merely an extension of the current force-based bureaucratic system. Its
novel contribution is to mandate that people buy medical insurance, the first
instance in which the national government will compel us to buy something
from a private company. This is said to be consistent with regulation of
interstate commerce, but no intelligent person honestly believes that. For
one thing, interstate commerce in health insurance is forbidden by the
national government. Adding insult to injury,
OPR falsely promises that we can have government-subsidized consumption of
medical services, lower prices, and freedom of choice at the same time. In
fact, those three things cannot coexist. Subsidies will boost consumption,
which will raise prices. If government is serious about lowering prices, it
will have to curtail consumption, that is, limit freedom of choice,
explicitly through rationing or implicitly through price controls and
standards of practice. Fiscal Considerations On the other hand, if the
ruling elite gives up the objective of lowering prices, fiscal chaos will
ensue. The medical “entitlement” called Medicare already faces a
$37 trillion unfunded liability. It is a big component of the government’s
budget deficit and growing debt. Imagine what will happen when the new
entitlement explodes. The assertions that OPR will cut costs and lower the
deficit are ludicrous, and no one really believes that. It is just a game
played in Washington under rules that Congress carefully sets for its fig
leaf Congressional Budget Office. As a result, government
borrowing will increase, if lenders aren’t scared off; interest rates
will rise, squelching economic activity; more new taxes will be thought up,
discouraging investment; and the money supply will expand, shrinking our
purchasing power. Economic Considerations OPR will directly subvert
what is left of the insurance market and indirectly subvert what is left of
the medical market. Insurance is about pooling risk in the face of an
uncertain future. But OPR requires that insurance companies cover people
without taking risk or even certainty (preexisting conditions) into
consideration. There are no grounds for calling this insurance. Rather, it is
welfare mixed with prepayment for future services. (Not that the insurers are
complaining; it’s a price they’ll gladly pay for the captive
customers that the mandate will deliver.) While OPR’s
advocates extolled the virtues of competition for the last year, they were
being either dishonest or ignorant. Competition does not mean a few licensed
companies providing identical government-defined products to government-coerced
“customers’ according to government-defined pricing rules. It
means open-entry trial and error by sellers attempting to satisfy buyers who
are free to say no thanks. OPR gives us anything but that. Politicians and
bureaucrats cannot possibly know what they would need to know to manage the
insurance and medical industries. Yet they convinced themselves and enough
others to get OPR passed. Political Considerations Finally, OPR puts another
nail in the coffin of government transparency. Regardless of how much or
little government (if any) people want, they should at least be able to see
and understand what it is up to and how much it costs them personally. In
every way OPR flouts this principle. The law’s 2,700 pages of
impenetrable “English” was read in its entirety by few if anyone.
But that only begins to describe the offense. The law leaves much to be
defined in the future by government departments, boards, and commissions.
Hundreds of rules and regulations have yet to be written – and who do
you think will be right there offering counsel as the new insurance rules are
formulated? The same insurance companies whom last week were said to be the
devil incarnate. (And Organized Medicine and Big Pharma too.) That’s
how the Washington game is played. And we’re the losers. Moreover, huge costs that
could have more honestly been placed on-budget for all to see will instead be
hidden in various ways. People will have no idea what this “reformed”
system really costs them. The upshot is this: Today
no one knows what the members of Congress passed and Obama signed, including
them. Self-government? Representation? Democracy? What a laugh. At best, this was a
triumph of wishful thinking over sound thought. 3/25/2010: Obamacare:
“The Bigger the Lie” by Howard Rich Lost amid the partisan
sniping and procedural jousting over the passage of “Obamacare”
is a fundamental, unavoidable hypocrisy - one that’s worth unmasking as
Washington politicians continue to ignore the will of the American people and
plunge our nation deeper into full-blown socialism. President Barack Obama and
his Congressional allies are spending money that they know we don’t
have on a program that they know isn’t going to work – all in an
effort to expand government’s control over the private sector and its
reach into the private lives of American citizens. Sound a bit
conspiratorial? It’s not – at
least not when you turn down the partisan rhetoric (on both sides of the
debate) and start examining what this monstrosity actually does. “Obamacare is really
about who commands the country’s medical resources,” an editorial
in The Wall Street Journal noted the day before the legislation was passed. “It
vastly accelerates the march toward a totally state-driven system, in
contrast to reforms that would fix today’s distorted status quo by
putting consumers in control.” With government already
purchasing nearly half of all health care services in America (a system that’s
rampant with fraud and anti-competitive price-fixing), just who did you think
was responsible for the “distorted status quo” that Obamacare
ostensibly seeks to correct? Here’s a hint
– it’s not those “evil” insurance companies, which
will be receiving nearly a half-trillion dollars in Obamacare subsidies. Consistent with the core
fallacy of other recent socialist misadventures (like former President George
Bush’s TARP bailout or Obama’s so-called “stimulus”),
Washington politicians are once again attempting to solve problems that have
been exacerbated by excessive government interventionism with additional
government interventionism. “Dumping buckets of water on the head of a
drowning victim,” if you will. Even though America can’t
even begin to afford its current entitlement obligations, Washington’s
answer is to create yet another new entitlement program – something
that Republicans who voted in favor of Bush’s prescription drug benefit
know all about. And even as Medicare and Medicaid have failed spectacularly
(and expensively) to provide cost-effective health care, Obama and his allies
are using this failure as an excuse to dramatically escalate their “government
knows best” approach to include individual mandates and huge fines for
families and small businesses who fail to comply. It’s a power grab,
pure and simple. And a money grab, which is why Obamacare spends $10 billion
to hire 17,000 new tax collectors at the IRS to rake in billions of dollars
from America’s newly-created class of “illegally uninsured”
citizens. That hardly sounds like a
plan built around “expanding coverage,” does it? Obviously Obamacare isn’t
going to reduce the deficit either. In fact when the actual cost of just one
of the variables ignored by the Congressional Budget Office (CBO) is
calculated into the legislation, its price tag soars by nearly $208 billion
(putting it $59 billion in the red). Even “Obamacare’s”
worst-case deficit projections are likely to prove overly-optimistic. In
1965, for example, government accountants predicted that the hospital
insurance portion of Medicaid would cost $9 billion by 1990. It wound up
costing $63 billion. Even after adjusting for inflation, that’s still
twice as expensive as the government originally estimated. Earlier this month The New
York Times – ostensibly seeking to build momentum for universal
coverage – published a story highlighting the un-sustainability of
Medicaid. The story revealed that last year, while state governments were
relying on bailout money to fund skyrocketing growth rates, the program added
3.3 million new members – raising its total enrollment to 47 million.
It is going broke, clearly, although that didn’t stop Obama and his
Congressional allies from raiding $202 billion from its coffers (as well as
$53 billion from Social Security) to make their plan appear deficit neutral. And that may be the
ultimate irony of Obamacare – that it is funding tomorrow’s big
government obligations with the failed promises of yesterday. 3/25/2010: Hope
and Change ... the Constitution by Larry Elder We live in a fundamentally
different country from that which existed only days ago. The government now
requires that every American purchase health insurance. The Constitution has
been attacked, interpreted in a way beyond its original intent. Therefore, we
must change it. Ignoring the will of the
majority of the American people, the discouraging experiences of countries
with socialized medicine, and the already staggering amount of entitlement
debt, President Barack Obama and the congressional Democrats “reformed”
health care. Once a nation under a Constitution that restricted government
intrusion, we now want government to provide for our “needs” by
calling them “rights.” We now ask government to
prop up failing businesses, make student loans, guarantee mortgages, build
and maintain public housing, financially support state education from
preschool though graduate school, fund private research, provide disaster
relief and aid, pay “volunteers” and on and on. Many in our nation happily
submit to this bargain. They consider the Big Three entitlements -- Social
Security, Medicare and Medicaid -- “rights,” their absence
unimaginable in a modern “caring” society. It is out of the
question to expect people, families and communities to plan for retirement.
It is beyond reason to expect medical care, like any other commodity, to
follow the laws of supply and demand -- for prices and choices to allocate
resources and for competition to drive down prices and improve quality. It is
simply too much to expect the compassion, morality and spirituality of
humankind to aid those unable to care for themselves. We ignore history’s
numerous examples of how good intentions produce bad results. Almost 50 years
ago, another “transformative” president used government to launch
a War on Poverty. But for many welfare recipients and their families, poverty
became “structural.” People became dependent on government. After
the government finally placed some restrictions on welfare, dependency
declined. Much to the surprise of those who denounced welfare reform as cruel,
people changed their behavior. We ignore the experience
of price controls. Government can dictate prices, but cannot dictate costs.
Price controls result in rationing, drive producers out of business and cause
lower quality and less innovation. America, because its citizens enjoyed
greater economic freedom, built a superior health care system -- which
ObamaCare now threatens to dismantle. Communism collapsed under
the romantic but bankrupt notion of “from each according to his
abilities, to each according to his needs.” Taking from the productive
and giving to the unproductive does damage to the incentive of both parties.
European countries -- “social justice” democracies -- produce
comparatively few private-sector jobs. Europe suffers from high taxes,
choking union agreements that make it virtually impossible to fire
unproductive or unneeded workers, and government policies that mandate paid
vacations and other job-killing benefits. Into this statist abyss we
willingly jump. Former Democratic
presidential candidate George McGovern left the Senate after 18 years and
bought a small business. It went under. He wrote: “(I) wish I had known
more firsthand about the concerns and problems of American businesspeople
while I was a U.S. senator and later a presidential nominee. ... Legislators
and government regulators must more carefully consider the economic and
management burdens we have been imposing on U.S. businesses. ... Many
businesses ... simply can’t pass such costs on to their customers and
remain competitive or profitable.” President Obama, like many
members of Congress, has little experience in or understanding of the private
free-market economy. Obama never started a business, ran one or struggled to
meet a payroll. He shows little respect for the hard, long hours people put
in to build successful businesses that compete to provide goods and services
to customers and that hire people. He believes that unequal outcomes are
unjust and that government exists to right this wrong by “spreading the
wealth.” If this means telling
doctors how to practice, so what? If this means that people will be less
likely to improve themselves through education and training in order to get “good”
jobs with benefits, so what? If this means we make employers less likely to
hire for fear of fines should they fail to offer health insurance, so what?
And if the “wealthy” invest less and create fewer jobs because of
higher taxes and expensive regulations, so what? Now what? As many as 39
state legislatures have taken or will take action to block the mandate.
Thirteen state attorneys general immediately filed suit, arguing, among other
things, that ObamaCare’s insurance mandate violates the Constitution’s
commerce clause. Expect more states to sue. Unfortunately, the Supreme Court
broadly interprets the commerce clause -- wildly beyond the intent of the
Founders -- to allow just about anything. So, the Constitution must
be changed. It must be amended to make what was once clear absolutely,
positively, unavoidably clear. Two-thirds of the states can call for a
constitutional convention, where an amendment can be proposed to prohibit the
forced purchase of health insurance. Three-fourths of the states could then
ratify it. Implausible? So was
ObamaCare. 3/25/2010: Thoughts to ponder Our country
has stumbled into socialism during the past half century; by now — 1958
— we have adopted nearly all the things socialists stand for. Those of
us who are aware of socialism’s built-in destructiveness have watched
this process with apprehension and are forever predicting, or warning
against, the impending catastrophe which we think we see hanging over our
society. Under socialism, some men are put at the disposal of other men,
deliberately, legally, and on principle. Socialism, in other words, is premised
in an immoral extension of political power. — Leonard E. Read, Essays
on Liberty, Volume VI [1959] Though freedom and wealth
are both good things which most of us desire and though we often need both to
obtain what we wish, they still remain different. Whether or not I am my own
master and can follow my own choice and whether the possibilities from which
I must choose are many or few are two entirely different questions. The
courtier living in the lap of luxury but at the beck and call of his prince
may be much less free than a poor peasant or artisan, less able to live his
own life and to choose his own opportunities for usefulness. —
Friedrich A. Hayek, The Constitution of Liberty [1960] 3/24/2010: The
Obamaklatura by James Taranto David Leonhardt of the New
York Times--last seen (we are not exaggerating) touting National Socialism as
a model for economic policy--is on more conventional ground today in praising
ObamaCare as “the federal government’s biggest attack on economic
inequality since inequality began rising more than three decades ago”: Over most of that period,
government policy and market forces have been moving in the same direction,
both increasing inequality. The pretax incomes of the wealthy have soared
since the late 1970s, while their tax rates have fallen more than rates for
the middle class and poor. . . A big chunk of the money
to pay for the bill comes from lifting payroll taxes on households making
more than $250,000. On average, the annual tax bill for households making
more than $1 million a year will rise by $46,000 in 2013, according to the
Tax Policy Center, a Washington research group. Another major piece of
financing would cut Medicare subsidies for private insurers, ultimately
affecting their executives and shareholders. The benefits, meanwhile,
flow mostly to households making less than four times the poverty
level--$88,200 for a family of four people. Remember when Sen. Obama
told “Joe the Plumber” he wanted to “spread the wealth
around”? This might have been the most revealing moment in the
campaign--and the mainstream media responded by investigating and vilifying
the man who had the temerity to confront the candidate with a question. Leonhardt’s piece
ends with an anecdote involving an Obama aide: Before he became Mr. Obama’s
top economic adviser, Lawrence Summers told me a story about helping his
daughter study for her Advanced Placement exam in American history. While
doing so, Mr. Summers realized that the federal government had not passed
major social legislation in decades. There was the frenzy of the New Deal,
followed by the G.I. Bill, the Interstate Highway System, civil rights and
Medicare--and then nothing worth its own section in the history books. Now there is. One might mischievously
suggest that it’s terribly unfair for one girl to get free tutoring from
a super smart economist who used to be president of an elite university and
assert that Larry Summers is a hypocrite unless he takes steps toward the
socialization of his own brain. That, of course, is a
reductio ad absurdum--fun but fallacious. The inequality that benefits
children of smart parents is a product of nature (and of nurture, but nurture
is also a product of nature). Leveling it by coercive means is beyond the
ability of any but perhaps the most brutal totalitarian state. But another story, broken
yesterday by the Chicago Tribune, illustrates why “equality” isn’t
all it’s cracked up to be. Unlike medicine, elementary and secondary
education in the U.S. is already almost completely under political control.
Defenders of this arrangement justify it in the name of equality. They do not
claim the current system achieves that ideal, but they do insist that efforts
to reduce political control via vouchers and other forms of privatization
would make inequality worse. But the Tribune story
shows that political control introduces its own kind of inequality, to
benefit the political class: While many Chicago parents
took formal routes to land their children in the best schools, the
well-connected also sought help through a shadowy appeals system created in
recent years under former schools chief Arne Duncan. Whispers have long swirled
that some children get spots in the city’s premier schools based on
whom their parents know. But a list maintained over several years in Duncan’s
office and obtained by the Tribune lends further evidence to those charges.
Duncan is now secretary of education under President Barack Obama. The log is a compilation
of politicians and influential business people who interceded on behalf of
children during Duncan’s tenure. It includes 25 aldermen, Mayor Richard
Daley’s office, House Speaker Michael Madigan, his daughter Illinois
Attorney General Lisa Madigan, former White House social secretary Desiree
Rogers and former U.S. Sen. Carol Moseley Braun. Non-connected parents,
such as those who sought spots for their special-needs child or who were new
to the city, also appear on the log. But the politically connected make up
about three-quarters of those making requests in the documents obtained by
the Tribune. This is “the
aristocracy of pull,” in Ayn Rand’s memorable phrase. Its
existence is probably inevitable inasmuch as government’s is, but its
extent can only increase with the power and reach of government. If you and Larry Summers
both get sick and need a treatment that the Medicare Advisory Commission
(dysphemistically known as the Death Panel) deems too expensive, what are the
odds that you’ll find a way to get it anyway and he won’t? How
about the other way around? In the Soviet Union, those privileged by
political connections were called the nomenklatura. Here, we can call it the
Obamaklatura. 3/23/2010: It’s
a Civil War: What We Do Now by Dennis Prager A terrible thing happened
to America on Sunday, March 21, 2010. The country took its
biggest step ever down a road diametrically opposed to its original intent of
keeping the state small so that the individual can be free and great. Therefore, in this unprecedented
crisis of values, this is what needs to be done: 1. Know and teach America’s
core values. We got to this point
solely because over the past few generations, Americans have forgotten the
values that have made America distinctive and great. Even the “Greatest
Generation” failed to communicate them. In a nutshell, they are
what I call the American Trinity: “In God we trust,” “Liberty”
and “E Pluribus Unum.” The left has successfully made war on all
three -- substituting secularism for God and religion in as much of American
life as possible; substituting equality (of result) for liberty; and
multiculturalism is the opposite of “E Pluribus Unum.” People who do not
understand American ideals -- especially small government -- now dominate our
schools, our entertainment media and our news media. (My own contribution here
is a video titled, “The American Trinity” at prageru.com. Please
view it and forward it.) 2. Recognize that we are
fighting the left, not liberals. Conservatives and
centrists are no longer fighting liberals. We are fighting the left. Liberalism believed in
American exceptionalism; the left not only does not believe in it, the left
opposes it. President Obama, when asked if he believes in American
exceptionalism, replied, “I believe in American exceptionalism, just as
I suspect that the Brits believe in British exceptionalism, and the Greeks
believe in Greek exceptionalism.” Liberalism believed in
creating wealth; the left is interested in redistributing it. Liberalism believed in a
strong defense. The left believes in cutting defense and a strong United
Nations. 3. Democrats should be
referred to as Social Democrats. This is not meant to be cute, let alone as a
slur. But calling Democrats Social Democrats is an effective way of reminding
Americans that there is no longer any difference between what is now known as
the Democratic Party and the Social Democratic parties of Europe. When the
Democratic Party returns to its roots as a liberal, not a left-wing, party,
we will happily resume calling the party by its original name. However, since
no Democrat can cite a significant difference between the Democratic Party
and the SD parties, there is no good reason not to use the more accurate
nomenclature. 4. Work tirelessly to
repeal the bill. We must single-mindedly
work to repeal the government health plan. We all know that it is difficult
to repeal entitlements because they are like drugs and it is very difficult
to wean people off drugs. But it is not impossible. We need to warn our
fellow Americans that entitlements will do to America what drugs eventually
do to addicts. All Republicans must run
for office on the “repeal” issue. Even when they lose, the
difference between right and left, between Republicans and Social Democrats
will have been made clear; and clarity is our best friend. 5. Our motto: “The
bigger the government, the smaller the citizen.” I used this phrase in
addressing the Republican members of Congress. It has become widely used,
including by Rep. David Dreier, R-Calif., on the House floor during the
Congressional debate on Sunday. It encapsulates this epic battle of American
values versus leftist values. Every movement needs a motto. I nominate this. 6. Do not let other
matters distract. Neither Republicans nor
conservatives are united on every issue facing America. Immigration is one
example. But we are united on the big government vs. free individual issue,
which, more than anything else, has defined America. If we allow any other
domestic issue to divide us, we will lose. And here’s why: If
Americans forget what America stands for, it won’t help us if there is
not one illegal immigrant here. And if we do remember what it means to be
American, we can handle anything. 7. Acknowledge that we are
in a non-violent civil war. I write the words “civil
war” with an ache in my heart. But we are in one. Thank God this civil war
is non-violent. But the fact is that the left and the rest of the country
share almost no values. The American value system and the leftist value
system are irreconcilable. If the left wins, America’s values lose. If
American values prevail, the left loses. After Sunday’s vote,
for the first time in American history, one could no longer confidently
believe that the American system will prevail. And if we don’t fight
for it, we don’t deserve it. 3/23/2010: The
Five Keys to Killing Obamacare by John Hawkins “Now this is not the
end. It is not even the beginning of the end. But it is, perhaps, the end of
the beginning.” -- Winston Churchill Without question, people
who zealously guard their freedoms, love their country, and want a better
future for their children lost a big battle on Sunday. Yes, Republicans in
the House fought skillfully and won the battle with the public, but the
legislative chicanery, bribery, and utter disdain for the will of the people
won the day for the Left. Democrats in extremely red
districts proved ready and willing to sacrifice their jobs in November to
pass the bill. The Stupak block, which held firm for weeks, joined hands with
the pro-abortion crowd to federally fund abortions for the first time in our
history. The Democrats in Congress didn’t care about the rules, they
didn’t care about the consent of the governed, and they didn’t
care about what is good for the country. This is a socialist power grab, pure
and simple, and a little bit of what has made this a great country died
writhing on the floor of the House last night. The Democrats are calling
this a historic moment. So it is. Of course, the same could be said of the
crash of the Hindenburg, the sinking of the Titanic, and the start of the
Civil War. This is an unconstitutional bill that will increase taxes,
increase premiums, hurt Medicare, explode the deficit, federally fund
abortions, lead to rationing, reduce quality of care, and dramatically
increase the government’s control over your life. Moreover, unlike Social
Security and Medicare, which were both popular bills that were passed with
large bipartisan majorities, this bill is unpopular, passed without
Republican support, and most of the “benefits” don’t come
into effect until 2014. That gives us an opportunity to do something that
rarely happens in American politics: We have a legitimate chance to repeal an
entitlement program. Some people in the heat of
the moment are talking about repealing Obamacare like it’s a given that’s
bound to happen. It’s not. It’s going to be hard work, the
results will be uncertain, and it will take years of political combat against
utterly amoral opponents who have no qualms about lying, handing out bribes,
or shredding the Constitution to get their way. Here’s a basic
outline of what it will take to get it done: 1) Fight the Democrats on
Reconciliation. Republicans are saying that they’re going to do
anything and everything in their power to block the further damage Democrats
want to do to our country via reconciliation. That’s the right attitude
to have. However, at the end of the day, if Joe Biden is willing to disgrace
his office to prevent the Republicans from offering legitimate amendments,
eventually the Democrats will get something through. But, the more
Republicans can block, the more discontent there will be on the Democratic side
with the bill and less noxious provisions there will be to repeal. 2) Challenge the bill in
court. It’s clearly unconstitutional to force people to buy insurance.
If the government can force you to buy insurance as a condition of
citizenship, why couldn’t the Congress just as easily write a bill
forcing you to buy a car from GM? Numerous states will end up challenging the
bill in court on that point. Given that we have four Supreme Court justices
who believe in following the law, four who generally vote liberal regardless
of the Constitution, and Anthony Kennedy who votes based on what side of the
bed he gets up on this morning, it’s impossible to say whether these
legal challenges will work, but they’re worth trying. If they succeed,
suddenly, the whole health care bill, as written, will become unfeasible.
That would give us the opportunity to roll it back. 3) Win the public
relations war. So far, we’ve won the public relations battle over this
bill, but that doesn’t mean we’re guaranteed to win it forever.
It’s entirely possible that Obama and health care reform will get a
temporary bump from passing health care reform. That’s not the least
bit unusual after a big bill like this passes. Happily, that bump will be
destined to fade, but expect Democrats to play the PR for all it’s
worth. There will also be a limited number of benefits that will kick in
immediately. Expect the Democrats and their allies in the mainstream media to
tout them endlessly while shamelessly lying and deflecting blame about the
negatives. If we’re going to repeal this bill, the truth has to win out
over the lies because if the public is tricked into supporting this bill, it’s
simply not going to be repealed. 4) The Republican Party
has to win big in the next two elections. Here’s the sad reality:
Republicans need to win 10 seats to take back the Senate, 40 seats to take
back the House, and we need to defeat Barack Obama in 2012. Some people are
taking it for granted that all those things will happen. Some people even
think we’ll take the House in a walk in November. Maybe that’ll
be the case. But, the Democrats have a big cash advantage, the American
people have short memories, and eventually, the economy almost has to
improve. So, there are no guarantees. If we do take back the House in 2010,
it will be because legions of Americans who care about their country were
inspired by a despicable bill to put up yard signs, contribute money, make
phone calls, and do the rest of the grunt work it takes to get people
elected. Are you going to be one of those people? 5) Repeal, replace, and
refuse to fund. To completely repeal this bill, we’re probably going to
need to control the House, have 60 votes in the Senate, and hold the
presidency. Obviously, that’s a heavy lift -- particularly getting to 60
in the Senate. However, in the interim, if we can control Congress, we can
start tearing this bill apart, piece-by-piece. We can try to get unpopular
parts of the bill, like the tax hikes and the individual mandate, repealed.
Congress also controls the purse strings; so we can shut down large parts of
the plan by simply refusing to fund it. Moreover, we can suggest popular
conservative ideas to replace unpopular parts of the bill and force the
Democrats to either continue to go against the will of the people or vote
them in. Then, if and when we get the votes and the presidency, we can try to
repeal the whole thing. Don’t let anyone tell you that this will be
easy. But, don’t let them tell you it’s impossible either. Last but not least, what
John Boehner said on the House floor before the vote Sunday night should ring
in the ears of every American, Shame on each and every
one of you who substitutes your will and your desires above those of your
fellow countrymen. Around this chamber, looking upon us are the lawgivers
from Moses to Gaius, to Blackstone, to Thomas Jefferson. By our action today,
we disgrace their values. We break the ties of history. We break our trust
with America. Whatever it takes, we will
not let it stand.
3/20/2010: National Review Online: Welcome
to Deemocracy On Thursday, the California
Occupational Safety and Health Standards Board voted to set up a committee to
examine whether condoms should be required on all pornographic film shoots
within the Golden State. California has run out of
money, but it hasn’t yet run out of things to regulate. For a government
regulatory hearing, the testimony was livelier than usual. The porn star
Madelyne Hernandez recalled an especially grueling scene in which she had
been obliged to have sex with 75 men. The bureaucrats nodded thoughtfully, no
doubt contemplating another languorous 18-month committee assignment looking
into capping the number of group-sex participants at 60 per scene. In the
future, if a porn actress finds 75 men waiting for her on the set, they’ll
be bureaucrats from Sacramento’s Condom Enforcement Squad. The committee will also
make recommendations on whether the “adult” movie industry should
be subject to the same regulatory regime and hygiene procedures as hospitals
and doctors’ surgeries. You mean with everyone in surgical masks?
Kinky. If you’ve ever been in the filthy, C. difficile– and
MRSA-infected wards of Britain’s National Health Service, it may make
more sense after the passage of Obamacare to require hospitals to bring
themselves up to the same hygiene standards as the average Bangkok porn
shoot. One can make arguments for
permitting porn and for banning porn, but there isn’t a lot to be said
for the bureaucratization of porn. Hard to believe there will be dull,
bespoke California bureaucrats looking forward to early retirement on
gold-plated pensions who’ll be getting home, sinking into the La-Z-Boy
and complaining to the missus about a tough day at the office working on the
permits for Debbie Does the Fresno OSHA Office. Meanwhile, Obamacare will
result in the creation of at least 16,500 new jobs. Doctors? Nurses? Ha!
Dream on, suckers. That’s 16,500 new IRS agents, who’ll be needed
to check whether you — yes, you, Mr. and Mrs. Hopendope of 27
Hopeychangey Gardens — are in compliance with the 15 tax increases and
dozens of new federal mandates the Deemocrats are about to “deem”
into existence. This will be the biggest expansion of the IRS since World War
II — and that’s change you can believe in. This is what health
care “reform” boils down to: fewer doctors, longer wait times,
but more bureaucrats. And, when you walk into the Health Care Enforcement
Division of the IRS, the staffing levels will make Madelyne Hernandez’s
group-sex scene look like an Equity-minimum one-man play off-off-off
Broadway. Barack Obama, a man who
not so long ago had time to jet across the world to make dreary
Olympics-losing speeches about how his kind of town Chicago is, has now
postponed his presidential visits to Indonesia and Australia in order to make
sure “health care” passes this week — or, at any rate, is “deemed”
to have passed, which is apparently the way a quarter-millennium-old
constitutional republic does things. The president, his press
secretary informs us, regrets having to postpone his trip for three months,
but “passage of the health-insurance reform is of paramount importance.”
Whereas Australia isn’t. The visit had already been
pared back to the bare minimum — a quick refueling stop in Canberra,
with a speech to Parliament and a grip’n’greet with the
governor-general and the prime minister. Maybe the administration could
simply “deem” the visit to have occurred, photoshop a souvenir
snapshot, and stick it in the mail to their eminences. In much the same way,
the Deemocrats are deeming their health bill to control costs rather than
actually controlling them. Medicare doesn’t reimburse doctors the cost
of treating the patient; it reimburses what the bureaucracy “deems”
it to have cost. In a deemocracy, this works. In real life, it’s more
problematic. Investor’s Business
Daily argues that the “health” debate is really a proxy fight on
the size and role of government. According to their poll, 64 percent of
people think the federal government has “too much power.”
Correct. But a big chunk of that 64 percent voted less than 18 months ago for
a man and a party explicitly committed to more government with more power,
and they’re now living with the consequences. Obama is government, and
government is Obama. That’s all he knows and all he’s ever known.
You elected to the highest office in the land a man who’s never run a
business or created wealth or made a payroll, and for his entire adult life
has hung out with guys who’ve demonized (deemonized?) such grubby
activities. Many of which associates he appointed to high office: Obama’s
cabinet has less experience in private business than any in the last century.
What it knows is government, and government’s default mode is to grow,
and grow. California is bankrupt:
The dependent class and the government class that issues the checks to the
dependent class have squeezed out the poor boobs in the middle who have to
pay for it all. Everybody knows this. But a state that already has a Bureau
of Home Furnishings cannot restrain itself from setting up a Bureau of Motion
Picture Condom Regulation — or, anyway, an impact study to study
whether the Bureau of Impact Studies should study the impact of a Bureau of
Motion Picture Condom Regulation. Look around you, and take
it all in. From now on, it gets worse. If you have kids, they’ll live
in smaller homes, drive smaller cars, live smaller lives. If you don’t
have kids, you better hope your neighbors do, because someone needs to spawn
a working population large enough to pay for the unsustainable entitlements
the Obama party has suckered you into thinking you’re entitled to. The
unfunded liabilities of current entitlements are $100 trillion. Try typing
that onto your pocket calculator. You can’t. There isn’t enough
room for all the zeroes, and, even if they made a pocket calculator large
enough, and a pocket large enough, you’d be walking with a limp. To
these existing entitlements, Obama and his enforcers in Congress propose to
add the grandest of all: health care, on a scale no advanced democracy has
ever attempted. Whatever is “deemed”
to have passed in the next few days doesn’t end the debate but begins
it. If you’re sick of talking about health care, move to Tahiti,
because in the U.S. we’re going to be talking about it until the end of
time, or at least until the Iranians nuke Cleveland. It isn’t difficult.
We need less government, with smaller budgets, fewer agencies, and vastly
reduced numbers of public-sector union employees on less lavish remuneration.
I’m confident the California Bureau of Condom Regulators can be
retrained as porn-movie bit-players and once again make a useful contribution
to society. But, if you’re not in favor of shrinking government, you’re
voting for national decline, remorseless and ever accelerating. Obama and Pelosi are
strong-arming swing-state congressmen into taking one for the deem. It’s
appropriate that it should take banana-republic maneuvers to ram this
through, because it’s about government so powerful it can make up the
rules as it goes along. Maybe regulators should roll a giant condom over the
Capitol before it fatally infects the rest of us. — Mark Steyn, a
National Review columnist, is author of America Alone. 3/19/2010: Obama keeps
sinking…another new record LOW
3/18/2010: Obama
to America: Bend Over and Cough by Larry Elder Americans resoundingly
reject ObamaCare. What, then, accounts for the Democrats’
determination? Democrats believe health care
is a right. Start with that premise and everything else makes complete sense.
Rights -- whether the right to vote or to freely assemble or to avoid
self-incrimination -- exist independent of popular feeling, poll numbers or
even, in the case of health care, the Constitution. Democrats don’t care
how much ObamaCare costs. When President Barack Obama addressed Republicans,
Rep. Paul Ryan, R-Wis., carefully outlined the costs of this “reform.”
He explained why costs figure to go up, not down. To someone truly interested
in a cost-benefit analysis, these points warrant a rebuttal. But as MSNBC
host Ed Schultz said, when it comes to health care reform and money, “I
don’t care how much it costs.” An owner of an NFL team fired his
coach despite the team’s winning record. He explained, “I gave
him an unlimited expense account -- and he exceeded it.” To Democrats, “economic
justice” knows no price tag. Democrats consider
election losses a small price to pay for health care “reform.”
Predictions range from moderate fall election losses to a bloodbath resulting
in a Republican takeover of the House and possibly even the Senate. To this
Democrats say, “So what?” Once health care reform becomes law,
that’s that. Only a Republican charge with a filibuster-proof Republican
supermajority in the Senate could undo it. Besides, President Bill Clinton
got re-elected when the Republicans took over the House. And although he
gives Republicans no credit, Clinton thereafter governed closer to the
center, turned House Speaker Newt Gingrich into a convenient whipping boy,
cruised to re-election and left office with a budget surplus. Obama,
Democrats figure, could do a lot worse. Democrats blame Americans’
confusion about ObamaCare’s virtues on Republican “lies.”
Democrats claim that ObamaCare would decrease costs while retaining the same
or better health care quality. Republicans say the opposite. Massachusetts’
RomneyCare, which is similar to ObamaCare, has failed to reduce costs. The
three big entitlement programs -- Social Security, Medicare and Medicaid --
are all in deep financial trouble. At inception, the programs’ cost
estimates were wildly underestimated. None of this provides cautionary
lessons. Republicans lie. Democrats believe that
they truly care about people and that Republicans don’t. Obama tells of
an uninsured self-employed Ohio woman receiving cancer treatment at the
Cleveland Clinic. The woman, he says, faces the prospect of losing her home
because of the hospital bills. Never mind the Cleveland Clinic offers millions
of dollars of non-reimbursed care annually. Never mind that the
world-renowned medical facility said it has no intention of going after her
home. And never mind that the woman, according to the hospital, is likely
eligible for several charitable programs. Democrats say, “If
you like things as they are, don’t worry.” Eighty-five percent of
Americans have health insurance, and 89 percent of them are satisfied with
it. This poses a problem for “reform.” MSNBC’s Chris
Matthews once wrote that because HillaryCare failed to calm the satisfied, it
collapsed. “People,” said Matthews, “saw their hard-won
benefits and options being siphoned off to fund the health needs of all
comers. Instead of securing the health care of the ‘working family,’
Hillary Clinton was offering ‘universal coverage’ for those who
didn’t work, financed by those who did. It was an offer people were
eager and quick to refuse.” Democrats say, “If
you like your plan and your doctor, you can keep them.” But won’t
some employers drop their employee plans, pay the fines and slough the costs
onto the taxpayers? And won’t some doctors, as polls suggest, restrict
their practices or quit altogether? No, because, well, they just won’t. Democrats bask in an
Obama-loving liberal traditional media. The media cheerlead for health care “reform”
and desperately want to give the President a “victory” -- while
accepting preposterous claims at face value. ObamaCare promises to extend
health insurance to 30 million people; promises financial assistance to those
unable to afford insurance; requires all employers to offer health insurance
or pay fines; requires every American to obtain insurance or pay a fine; and
promises to attack “unwarranted” insurance premium increases
while requiring insurers to enroll those with pre-existing illness without
dropping anyone’s coverage. And it would lawfully achieve all of this
without increasing the deficit! Democrats believe that if
people are too dumb right now to see the benefits of ObamaCare, someday they
will. If not, opponents will be powerless to do anything. Some people refuse
to see what’s best. That’s why God created Democrats. Democrats ultimately want
a Canadian-style single-payer system. ObamaCare will result in cost overruns,
caregivers driven out of business, declining quality, rationing, reduced
innovation and bureaucrats determining who gets what, how and when. What
then? When the complaints grow
loud enough, Democrats will be ready -- with a plan to “reform”
the “reform.” 3/17/2010: The
Warmers Strike Back by Walter E. Williams Stephen Dinan’s
Washington Times article “Climate Scientist to Fight Back at Skeptics,”
(March 5, 2010) tells of a forthcoming campaign that one global warmer said
needs to be “an outlandishly aggressively partisan approach” to
gut the credibility of skeptics. “Climate scientists at the National
Academy of Sciences say they are tired of ‘being treated like political
pawns’ and need to fight back…” Part of their strategy is
to form a nonprofit organization and use donations to run newspaper ads to
criticize critics. Stanford professor and environmentalist Paul Ehrlich, in
one of the e-mails obtained by the Washington Times said, “Most of our
colleagues don’t seem to grasp that we’re not in a gentlepersons’
debate, we’re in a street fight against well-funded, merciless enemies
who play by entirely different rules.” Professor Thomas Sowell’s
most recent book, “Intellectuals and Society,” has a quote from
Eric Hoffer, “One of the surprising privileges of intellectuals is that
they are free to be scandalously asinine without harming their reputation.”
Environmentalist Professor Paul Ehrlich, who’s giving advice to the
warmers, is an excellent example of Hoffer’s observation. Ehrlich in
his widely read 1968 book, “The Population Bomb,” predicted, “The
battle to feed humanity is over. In the 1970s, the world will undergo
famines. Hundreds of millions of people are going to starve to death in spite
of any crash programs embarked upon now. Population control is the only
answer.” Ehrlich also predicted the earth’s then-3.5 billion
population would starve back to 2 billion people by 2025. In 1969, Dr.
Ehrlich warned Britain’s Institute of Biology, “If I were a
gambler, I would take even money that England will not exist in the year
2000.” Despite these asinine predictions, Ehrlich has won no less than
16 awards, including the 1980 Crafoord Prize, the Royal Swedish Academy of
Sciences’ highest award. Stanford University
professor and environmentalist activist Stephen H. Schneider is another
scientist involved in the warmer retaliation. In a 1989 Discover Magazine
interview, Professor Schneider said, “We have to offer up scary
scenarios, make simplified dramatic statements, and make little mention of
any doubts we may have. Each of us has to decide what the right balance is
between being effective and being honest.” Former Colorado Sen. Tim
Wirth, now president of the United Nations Foundation, in 1990 said, “We’ve
got to ride the global warming issue. Even if the theory of global warming is
wrong, we’ll be doing the right thing, in terms of economic policy and
environmental policy.” Environmental activist
predictions have been dead wrong. In National Wildlife (July 1975), Nigel
Calder warned, “... the threat of a new ice age must now stand
alongside nuclear war as a likely source of wholesale death and misery for
mankind.” In the same issue, C.C. Wallen of the World Meteorological
Organization warned, “The cooling since 1940 has been large enough and
consistent enough that it will not soon be reversed.” George Woodwell’s,
founder of the Woods Hole Research Center, comments suggest that the warmers
are gearing up for a big propaganda push. In one of his e-mails, Woodwell
said that researchers have been ceding too much ground. He criticized
Pennsylvania State University for their academic investigation of Professor
Michael Mann, who wrote many of the e-mails leaked from the Britain’s
now disgraced Climate Research Unit. Stephen Dinan’s Washington Times
article reports, “In his e-mail, Mr. Woodwell acknowledged that he is
advocating taking ‘an outlandishly aggressively partisan approach’
but said scientists have had their ‘classical reasonableness’
turned against them,” adding, “‘We are dealing with an
opposition that is not going to yield to facts or appeals from people who
hold themselves in high regard and think their assertions and data are
obvious truths.’” Fortunately, for the
American people, Sen. James M. Inhofe, R- Okla., is considering asking the
Justice Department to investigate whether climate scientists who receive
taxpayer-funded grants have falsified data. He has identified 17
taxpayer-supported scientists who have been major players in the global warming
conspiracy. 3/17/2010: The Wisdom Of Thomas
Jefferson 1. When we get piled upon one another in large
cities, as in Europe, we shall become as corrupt as Europe . 2. The democracy will cease to exist when you take
away from those who are willing to work and give to those who would not. 3. It is incumbent on every generation to pay its
own debts as it goes, a principle which if acted on would save one-half the
wars of the world. 4. I predict future happiness for Americans if
they can prevent the government from wasting the labors of the people under
the pretense of taking care of them. 5. My reading of history convinces me that most
bad government results from too much government. 6. No free man shall ever be debarred the use of
arms. 7. The strongest reason for the people to retain
the right to keep and bear arms is, as a last resort, to protect themselves
against tyranny in government. 8. The tree of liberty must be refreshed from time
to time with the blood of patriots and tyrants. 9. To compel a man to subsidize with his taxes the
propagation of ideas which he disbelieves and abhors is sinful and
tyrannical. 10. I believe that banking institutions are more
dangerous to our liberties than standing armies. If the American people ever
allow private banks to control the issue of their currency, first by
inflation, then by deflation, the banks and corporations that will grow up
around the banks will deprive the people of all property - until their
children wake up homeless on the continent their fathers conquered. 3/19/2010: Fred on Everything: Taking the Tenth, The
Last Hope Washington is out of
control. It does as it likes, without restraint. It spends American money and
American lives to fight remote wars for which it cannot provide a plausible
reason. It determines what our children will be taught, who we can hire and
fire, to whom we can sell our houses, whether we can defend ourselves, even
what names we can call each other. The feds read our email and track the web
sites we visit, make us hop around barefoot in airports at the command of
surly unaccountable rentacops. They search us at random in train stations
without even a pretense of probable cause. We have no influence over them, no
way of resisting. Except, perhaps, to ignore
them. Washington has learned to
insulate itself from interference by the population. Huge impenetrable
bureaucracies beyond public control make regulations that amount to laws,
spending God knows how much money to do God knows what for the benefit of the
interest groups that run the government. These bureaucrats cannot be fired
and usually cannot be named. Congress, like the bureaucracies, serves not the
United States but the big lobbies. The looters of Wall Street wreck the lives
of millions, and get millions in bonuses for doing it instead of the end of a
rope. Further, the federal
government simply doesn’t work. It is clogged up, constipated,
gridlocked, using antiquated technology to do badly things it ought to do and
things it oughtn’t. In large part this is because federal hiring rests
on the desires of racist and feminist lobbies instead of suitability for the
work to be done. Whole departments—HUD, Education—do much harm
and little good. IRS is ruthless, incompetent, and unaccountable, the tax
laws burdensome and crafted for the benefit of special interests and of
Washington. I can change my address with my bank online in five minutes and
know that it has been done; IRS requires a paper form and six to eight weeks
to effect the change, and you don’t know whether it has been done. The
goons of TSA leer at our daughters with their porno=scanners. The VA can
easily take six months to provide a veteran’s records, when it could be
done online in five seconds. The Pentagon spends a trillion a year, precious
little of which has anything to do with defending America, but can’t
defeat a small group of badly outnumbered men armed with rifles and RPGs; the
intelligence agencies were unable to warn them of the prospect. The government doesn’t
work. It is broken. It can’t be fixed. It can’t be fixed because
only those within it could, and their interest lies in not fixing it. The only remedy short of
armed rebellion is civil disobedience at the level of the states. Clear
constitutional justification for refusal to obey Washington lies in the Tenth
Amendment: “The powers not
delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to
the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people.” A great many states now
begin to do a great many things counter to Washington’s wishes. I think
it wise to keep resistance within the framework of the Constitution, but the
entire question comes down to a blunt truth: No law extends beyond the
lawmaker’s power to enforce it. Congress can pass a law against
gravitation, but can’t prevent things from falling when released from a
height. The federal government made alcohol illegal but, in the face of
massive public disregard, couldn’t make it stick. What happens if, as may
happen, California legalizes marijuana—not just for contrived medical
purposes, but legalizes it, period? I search in vain for the Marijuana Clause
in the Constitution. The feds do not have the manpower to enforce federal laws
within California without the help of the police of California. What happens
if a state passes a law saying that its citizens cannot be forced to buy
health insurance? What can Washington do? It can persecute individuals, but a
state, or thirty states, are another thing. The FBI can arrest any one
person, but it cannot arrest Wyoming. Much depends on how sick
people really are of the ever-growing thicket of laws, regulation, imposed
political correctness, surveillance, and having to live according to the dictates
of remote elites with whom they have nothing in common. At bottom, Washington’s
power is economic. The feds rely for control on taxing money from the states
and giving some of it back in exchange for obedience. They cannot arrest
Wyoming, but they can deny it federal highway funds. This technique provides
de facto control over everything from kindergarten to MIT. Now, if Idaho passes a law
(I’m making this up) saying that no restrictions on the ownership of
guns will be enforced within the state, Washington might choose discretion
over valor and ignore it. Legalizing marijuana, however, or refusing to
accept compulsory medical care, would be a direct if not necessarily
intentional challenge to the power of the central government. The feds could
not afford to let either of these things slide. The danger of the precedent
to the grip of the governing classes would be too great. A deadly serious
confrontation would ensue. What could, or would, the
federal government do in response to defiance? Send the Marines to occupy
Sacramento? Or the FBI to arrest Arnold and the legislature of California? Or cut off California’s
financial water? No bailout for the state’s tottering economy, no more
fat subsidies to the universities, and so on? The question is how ugly
might things get. Washington may be able to make the states back down. It may
not. The peril for the feds is that it might occur to the states that, while
they get their money from Washington, Washington gets its money from the
states. The central government depends absolutely on the states, whereas the
states would get along swimmingly without the current central government. How tired are Americans of
a dysfunctional, oppressive Washington, unconcerned for its citizens,
unaccountable and tending fast toward the totalitarian, that sprawls across
the continent like an armed leech of malign intent? That is the question. The
first time a populous states says “No,” if such a state ever
does, we will get the answer. The United States has been free, prosperous,
and reasonably well governed for a long time. It no longer is. Things go
downward, within and without. Nothing lasts, change
comes, and things break. We shall see. Give it five years. From Reason Magazine: Five
Lies About the American Economy The Obama team’s favorite slices of fiscal
baloney 1. Bold government action staved off a Depression,
saving or creating 1.5 million jobs. 2. No one wants banks making the kinds of risky
loans that got us into this situation in the first place. 3. The economic crisis is a ‘subprime
crisis.’ 4. Ben Bernanke is a heroic leader. 5. The worst is behind us. From Reason Magazine: Obama and
the L-Word The president’s habit of telling untruths 3/12/2010: from the Daily Reckoning ...There are more clowns
in economics than in the circus. They invented an economic model that has
been very popular for more than 50 years - particularly in the US and
Britain. It began with a bogus insight; John Maynard Keynes thought consumer
spending was the key to prosperity; he saw savings as a threat. He had it
backwards. Consumer spending is made possible by savings, investment and hard
work - not the other way around. Then, William Phillips thought he saw a
cause and effect relationship between inflation and employment; increase
prices and you increase employment too, he said. Jacques Rueff had already
explained that the Phillips Curve was just a flimflam. Inflation
surreptitiously reduced wages. It was lower wages that made it easier to hire
people, not enlightened central bank management. But the scam proved
attractive. The economy has been biased towards inflation ever since. Economists enjoyed the
illusion of competence; they could hold their heads up at cocktail parties
and pretend to know what they were talking about. Now they were movers and
shakers, not just observers. The new theories seemed to give everyone what
they most wanted. Politicians could spend even more money that didn’t
belong to them. Consumers could enjoy a standard of living they couldn’t
afford. And the financial industry could earn huge fees by selling debt to
people who couldn’t pay it back. Never before had so many
people been so happily engaged in acts of reckless larceny and legerdemain.
But as the system aged, its promises increased. Beginning in the ‘30s,
the government took it upon itself to guarantee the essentials in life -
retirement, employment, and to some extent, health care. These were expanded
over the years to include minimum salary levels, unemployment compensation,
disability payments, free drugs, food stamps and so forth. Households no
longer needed to save. As time wore on, more and
more people lived at someone else’s expense. Lobbying and lawyering
became lucrative professions. Bucket shops and banks neared respectability.
Every imperfection was a call for legislation. Every traffic accident was an
opportunity for wealth redistribution. And every trend was fully leveraged. If there was anyone still
solvent in America or Britain in the 21st century, it was not the fault of
the banks. They invented subprime loans and securitizations to profit from
segments of the market that had theretofore been spared. By 2005 even jobless
people could get themselves into debt. Then, the bankers found ways to hide
debt...and ways to allow the public sector to borrow more heavily. Goldman
Sachs did for Greece essentially what it had done for the subprime borrowers
in the private sector - it helped them to go broke. As long as people thought
they were getting something for nothing, this economic model enjoyed wide
support. But now that they are getting nothing for something, the masses are
unhappy. Half the US states are insolvent. Nearly all of them are preparing
to increase taxes. In Europe too, taxes are going up. Services are going
down. And taxpayers are being asked to pay for the banks’ losses...and
pay interest on money spent years ago. Until now, they were borrowing money
that would have to be repaid sometime in the future. But today is the
tomorrow they didn’t worry about yesterday. So, the patsies are in
revolt. Several countries are
already past the point of no return. Even if America taxed 100% of all
household wealth, it would not be enough to put its balance sheet in the
black. And Professors Rogoff and Reinhart show that when external debt passes
73% of GDP or 239% of exports, the result is default, hyperinflation, or both.
IMF data show the US already too far gone on both scores, with external debt
at 96% of GDP and 748% of exports. The rioters can go home,
in other words. The system will collapse on its own. Bill Bonner for The Daily
Reckoning
3/10/2010: Organized
Labor and Citizens United by Steven J. Law When President Obama delivered his tongue-lashing to
the Supreme Court in his State of the Union address—accusing the
justices of opening “the floodgates for special interests”—he
didn’t mention the No. 1 beneficiary of the Court’s Citizens
United decision. Nor did Sen. Chuck Schumer (D., N.Y.) when he excoriated the
campaign finance case as a victory for “corporate America.” The unmentioned winners massively outspend any
corporation on politics. By their own admission, they dropped roughly half a
billion dollars in the 2008 elections, overwhelming any group representing
business. Despite enjoying access to the highest reaches of the
federal government, many of this group’s leaders avoid detection of
their lobbying simply by removing their names from official lobbying
databases. One of the group’s most powerful executives referred to its
legislative shopping list as “payback” in return for lavishing
financial support on politicians. And if that weren’t enough, the group
even represents thousands of foreigners. So what is this political powerhouse that Washington
politicians dare not mention by name? Organized labor. The central ruling of Citizens United v. FEC allows
corporations to engage in independent advocacy during elections. This applies
equally to labor unions. And unlike corporations, unions are far better
positioned to take advantage of the ruling because they have virtually no
other restraints on their capacity to engage in political action. Public companies have to deal with earnings targets, investment
analysts, ratings agencies and dividend-hungry shareholders. That’s why
most corporations spend little or nothing on politics and can be expected to
do the same going forward. Labor unions, on the other hand, can spend whatever
they want on elections with no accountability at all. The AFL-CIO regularly
imposes special fees on union members to fund their political programs. Last
year the country’s largest union, the SEIU, passed a resolution setting
quotas for its local affiliates to cough up “voluntary”
contributions to its political action committee, and requiring that shortages
be made up from general treasury funds. This fund-raising scheme has been
challenged in a complaint to the Departments of Labor and Justice as a
violation of federal election law. Unions also aren’t held to any financial
performance standards. SEIU chief Andy Stern admitted last year that he had
taken out tens of millions of dollars in loans to pay for campaign ads,
saying: “We maxed out the credit card and now we’re paying it
off.” What corporation could get away with that? Given the unions’ capacity for dominating
political spending, should Congress curtail organized labor’s free
speech rights? Absolutely not. The First Amendment applies equally to unions
as it does to business. At the same time, however, Congress should take steps
to protect the free speech rights of union members who don’t support
their leaders’ political agenda, and to ensure the integrity of union
political activism. As lawmakers evaluate appropriate responses to the
Citizens United decision, these proposals should be on the table: • Require secret ballot elections, supervised
by the National Labor Relations Board, to approve political spending. • Strengthen “pay-to-play” reforms
to prohibit government employee unions from spending money to elect
politicians who will oversee their labor contracts. • Allow union members to deduct from their dues
all union lobbying and political expenditures, as calculated by an
independent auditor. • Get the government out of the business of
automatically deducting union dues from paychecks and require an affirmative
check-off for union political spending. • Prohibit unions that are under the influence
of organized crime—as determined by the Department of Labor’s
inspector general—from ingratiating themselves with politicians by
spending money on elections. There is a great deal of hyperventilating on Capitol
Hill these days about the power of corporations. There is conspicuous silence
about organized labor. Coincidentally, unions give nine out of 10 election
dollars to the party that currently runs Washington. If Congress attempts to
inhibit corporate political speech while treating unions with kid gloves,
that’s not reform. It’s just another special-interest payback. Mr. Law is chief legal officer and general
counsel of the U.S. Chamber of Commerce. 3/11/2010: Republican
Collectivism by Larry Elder The most disturbing part of the ObamaCare debate is
not about where Republicans and Democrats disagree, but where they agree. Take this issue of those with pre-existing illnesses.
Many Republicans actually support government action to prevent insurance companies
from refusing to insure them. Ignoring the benefits of cost-lowering free
market competition and the role of charity, many Republicans believe it
acceptable to force an insurance company -- in business to insure against
unknown risks -- to “insure” someone currently experiencing a
known risk. Sen. Tom Coburn, R-Okla., supports legislation to “eliminate
pre-existing conditions” as a reason for a carrier to deny coverage.
Sen. John Barrasso, R-Wyo., says government needs “to take care of
things like pre-existing conditions so that that doesn’t stop (people)
from getting insurance.” Sen. Chuck Grassley, R-Iowa, supports
prohibiting “insurers from denying coverage to people with pre-existing
medical conditions or charging higher premiums to people who are sick.” But this should not surprise anyone who observes the
allegedly “fiscally conservative,” “pro-free market,”
“limited government” party in action. From the acceptance of the
New Deal to government bailouts of private industry, Republicans -- sooner or
later -- go along. Here are just a few recent examples. Republican
President George W. Bush, for a time, worked with a Republican House and
Senate. Bush promised and delivered a prescription benefits bill for seniors.
It expanded Medicare, the popular under-funded entitlement program passed --
with Republican support, by the way -- in 1965. We like seniors. Seniors
vote. So if they struggle with their drugs bills, why, by all means make
someone else help pay them. On the 10th anniversary of the Americans with
Disabilities Act, signed into law by his father, Bush bragged about the law’s
importance and effectiveness. That such an assault on private employers
engenders praise says much about the GOP’s acceptance of federal
government’s command and control. Like Hamlet, Bush agonized over whether to support
federal funds for embryonic stem cell research. He never said, “Why are
we asking government to spend taxpayer money on research that is -- or should
be -- done by the private sector or nonprofits?” No Child Left Behind ties federal dollars to local
schools’ performance. Where is the outrage about taxpayers in one state
paying for education in another? What gives educrats in Washington, D.C., the
skills, wisdom and competence to run schools in all 50 states? More
importantly, what clause in the Constitution permits this? Presidential
candidate Ronald Reagan campaigned to shut down the Department of Education.
Reagan failed. Today any candidate making such promises gets a one-way ticket
to Shutter Island. The entire ObamaCare debate starts off in the wrong
place -- with Republicans agreeing that “reform” is necessary,
health care “costs too much” and that government must “make
health care more affordable.” But it is because of government -- laws,
regulations and policies -- that users pay more for services and drugs than
they otherwise would. Licensing requirements restrict potential caregivers.
A non-doctor field medic in Iraq or Afghanistan could not come home, hang up
a shingle, and render basic care without facing prosecution. Despite our
aging population, trade associations, along with laws and regulations,
restrict the number of doctors. Insurance companies enjoy protected markets
because laws restrict carriers from competing across state lines. The Food and
Drug Administration increases the cost of drugs while delaying or keeping
possibly beneficial drugs off the market. Republicans ran for the exits when Bush attempted a
partial privatization of Social Security. And they should encourage a
full-throated deregulation/privatization of the health care industry. After
airline deregulation, fares declined. After telephone deregulation,
telecommunications companies started providing a numbing array of services --
along with better quality, lower prices and constant innovation. Because government pays for nearly half of medical
costs, we have a nation of government-provided-health-care dependents.
Understandably, they want what they currently have or expect to have in the
near future. But Medicare, Medicaid and Social Security are steadily gnawing
away at the country’s foundation. The bill is coming due. In 1900, government at all levels -- federal, state
and local -- took about 7 percent of America’s income. Today it’s
almost 40 percent. And that doesn’t include an estimated 10 percent
cost in federal unfunded mandates imposed on states and private business.
President Barack Obama and Democrats want to add more than 30 million people
-- those without health insurance -- to the takers, with little or no concern
about the effect on the givers. Are Republicans sounding the alarm about government’s
present intrusion in health care and its counterproductive effect on quality,
affordability and accessibility? Government, they should argue and persuade,
grows at the expense of the productive. This eventually weakens the country
by sapping the incentive of risk takers. This makes it harder -- not easier
-- to help those we claim to care about. A collectivist, whether an active or passive one, is
still a collectivist. Having an “R” after the name provides no
defense. 3/11/2010: Letters to the
Editor: What
I Saw While Debating Obama by John Cox Holman Jenkins nails it again with “The
President vs. Health-Care Reform” (Business World, March 3). This
president is not interested in health-care reform; he is interested in
government-provided benefits. I have firsthand knowledge of his intent. In August
2003 I debated him for an hour-and-a-half on this very topic (we were both in
the Illinois Senate primaries—he on the Democrat side, I on the
Republican). His entire position was that government exists to provide what
people cannot provide for themselves. His response to any suggestion of a
free market was that such an approach is Darwinism, survival of the fittest,
and his approach is that we should all take care of each other through
government largess. The fact that this largess must be administered by large
government bureaucracies, run by so many government-employee union members
committed to Democratic politicians, is a very happy byproduct. As Mr. Jenkins aptly and ably points out, several
factors that skew incentives are to blame for the high cost and
unavailability of health insurance and health-care services. Tax policy,
state insurance mandates, tort roulette and government purchasing all
conspire to constrain supply and distort costs so that the current system is
flawed. The administration’s response is to put these skewed incentives
into overdrive, when what is needed is a rational plan to eliminate them. I
share the sadness that such an opportunity as this president had to really
make a difference is being sacrificed on the altar of political expediency. [“The solution to the so-called health-care crisis is
to rid ourselves of the cause of the problems — to dismantle
governmental involvement in health care, especially Medicare and Medicaid.
Only a complete separation of the state and the health-care market can
permanently solve the problem. Instead of asking for free medicine from the
state, we should be asking to free medicine from the state.” William
Dale, “Free Medicine“] 3/10/2010: In
Praise of Educational Pluralism by Danny Shahar I often hear it said that if the government did not
determine what our children are taught, we would have no way to assure they
learned the right things. The idea here is that every child deserves a proper
education and that, although government education has its share of problems,
at least we can keep an eye on who is being allowed to teach and what they are
teaching. The free market, on the other hand, would supposedly allow us no
such control; schools could simply teach whatever they wanted, and our
children might grow up thinking that up is down, black is white, and right is
wrong. While this argument comes from the best of
intentions, it is completely misguided for two basic reasons. The first,
which has been widely discussed elsewhere, is that it gives an unreasonably
pessimistic view of how a free-market education system would look. In a free
market, competition would force producers to cater to their customers or risk
losing business to other firms. This should lead us to expect that when
customers are free to choose, producers will end up creating better products,
not worse. And in fact we can see this happening in the real
world. For example, the success of graduates from particular universities
reflects on the quality of the education there, so universities are
constantly trying to better themselves and their current students in order to
compete for the best students in the future. The same seems to be true of
private and preparatory schools at the high-school level and below. Although
the government funds a number of these schools, universities and private
schools are generally permitted to make their own decisions about what they
will teach and who will be doing the teaching. And yet we do not see these
institutions systematically teaching their students poorly or indoctrinating
them with false ideologies. On the contrary, it seems fair to say that these
more laissez-faire systems generally perform far better than our centralized
public school system. But there is another reason to question the idea that
governments must be involved to ensure that our children receive a proper
education. That reason is that there is no such thing as a proper education.
Different people have different conceptions about what kinds of lives they
want to lead, what kind of knowledge is important, and how they want their
children to be raised. These differences do not represent right and wrong.
Rather, a free society will always be characterized by reasonable pluralism
in values and worldviews. But if this is the case, then it seems the idea
that we should all get together under one roof and democratically decide how
to educate our children is a bad one. Instead, it’s sensible to welcome a number of
different approaches to education, with the crucial decisions about how
children are to be educated ultimately left to their parents. As philosopher
David Schmidtz writes in Elements of Justice: “In effect, there are two
ways to agree: We agree on what is correct, or on who has
jurisdiction—who gets to decide. Freedom of religion took the latter
form; we learned to be liberals in matters of religion, reaching consensus
not on what to believe but on who gets to decide. So too with freedom of
speech. Isn’t it odd that our greatest successes in learning to live
together stem not from agreeing on what is correct but from agreeing to let
people decide for themselves?” For far too long we have ignored the possibility that
in a society which embraces freedom of belief, religion, and expression, it
is best to respect people’s freedom to decide for themselves how they
want their children educated. I understand that some may feel shocked by the suggestion
that they do not know what is best for everyone else’s children. But
for the rest of us, it is clear that the only fair and equitable solution to
the differences in our values and worldviews is to reject the flawed model of
centralized government education and to put the power to choose back in the
hands of parents. 3/9/2010: About
That Pay Cut For Federal Workers by Brian S. Wesbury and Robert Stein Last week we wrote that one way the federal
government could show it was serious about the budget deficit would be an across-the-board
pay cut of 10% for all civilian federal workers. Although the savings would
be only about $15 billion per year (roughly 1% of the budget deficit), the “cut”
would send a clear signal to our creditors that policymakers were concerned
about the deficit and were willing to take on sacred cows. It seems like we touched a nerve. No article we’ve
ever written has generated as much response. In the larger picture, this is a bad sign. If
government has become so big that articles about changes to government
generate more interest than articles about stock prices, then government has
become too big and too entangled in the lives of the American people.
Government has become the intermediary in so much of our life that it has
crowded out ways of relating to each other through civil society itself. That said, while many of the comments we received
were supportive, the majority were downright hostile. Some were too silly to
warrant a reply. Maybe it was just a coincidence, but those comments seemed
to come from federal employees during work hours. Other criticisms, including some from government
workers, were more serious and fell into a couple of groups. One argument
against the pay cut was that many young federal workers are already
underpaid. Truth be told, we’re sympathetic. Young workers
may do the same jobs as older workers, yet they receive much lower pay--think
TSA passenger screening. But, since federal pay is based on seniority, they
can move up that scale rapidly, and once ensconced in the federal system
become very difficult to dislodge. While the federal system attempts to use
merit-based pay, the seniority system can undermine the productivity
improvements that come from merit. In addition, federal pensions are generous when
compared to the private sector, as is worker pay and other benefits. A story
published in USA Today three days after our last column showed that federal
workers were paid more than their private-sector counterparts in more than
80% of occupations. And that does not include benefits, which are on average
four times higher in the public sector vs. the private sector. Maybe that’s
why the statistics show that federal workers only quit their jobs at about
25% the rate of private-sector workers. This is an amazing difference. If that’s
not the definition of highly paid, we’re not sure what is. Another argument used by government employees was
that the earnings of federal workers get spent in the local community, which
multiplies the benefits of their pay across the economy. So a pay cut would
hurt the economy. This multiplier argument is fallacious and worries us
because it seems that government employees do not understand basic economics.
Every dollar the federal government pays its workers has to come from someone
else (through taxes or borrowing), who would have spent it anyhow. Why is a
federal paycheck any more likely to be multiplied than a private paycheck? Even if you buy into the idea that a boost in federal
spending can temporarily have a multiplier effect, raising pay for government
workers--who would provide the same services anyhow--is wasteful. The same
money could be spent on hiring new workers to perform additional tasks, like
providing greater port security, for example. Also, the “multiplier” argument
implicitly accepts that federal workers are not really paid for the value of
the services they render, but instead receive a premium for some larger
social good. In essence, they are saying federal pay is a form of “workfare,”
a hybrid of a paying job mixed with a welfare payment. That’s a reason
to cut pay right there. We are ready for more criticism... and support...
from our readers, but we think we’ve made our point. Brian S. Wesbury is chief economist and Robert Stein
senior economist at First Trust Advisors in Wheaton, Ill.They write a weekly
column for Forbes. Brian S. Wesbury is the author of It’s Not As Bad As
You Think: Why Capitalism Trumps Fear and the Economy Will Thrive. 3/8/2010: from the Patriot Post:
“No man in his senses can hesitate in choosing to be free, rather than
a slave.” —Alexander Hamilton Liberty: “While
American politicians and intellectuals have not reached the depths of tyrants
such as Lenin, Stalin, Mao and Hitler, they share a common vision. Tyrants
denounce free markets and voluntary exchange. They are the chief supporters
of reduced private property rights, reduced rights to profits, and they are
anti-competition and pro-monopoly. They are pro-control and coercion, by the
state. These Americans who run Washington, and their intellectual supporters,
believe they have superior wisdom and greater intelligence than the masses.
They believe they have been ordained to forcibly impose that wisdom on the
rest of us. Like any other tyrant, they have what they consider good reasons
for restricting the freedom of others. A tyrant’s primary agenda calls
for the elimination or attenuation of the market. Why? Markets imply
voluntary exchange and tyrants do not trust that people behaving voluntarily
will do what the tyrant thinks they should do. Therefore, they seek to
replace the market with economic planning and regulation, which is little
more than the forcible superseding of other people’s plans by the
powerful elite. We Americans have forgotten founder Thomas Paine’s
warning that ‘Government, even in its best state, is but a necessary
evil; in its worst state, an intolerable one.’” —George
Mason University economics professor Walter E. Williams Insight: “Obviously
there is no need of fighting to overcome this single tyrant, for he is
automatically defeated if the country refuses consent to its own enslavement:
it is not necessary to deprive him of anything, but simply to give him
nothing; there is no need that the country make an effort to do anything for
itself provided it does nothing against itself. It is therefore the
inhabitants themselves who permit, or, rather, bring about, their own
subjection, since by ceasing to submit they would put an end to their
servitude. A people enslaves itself, cuts its own throat, when, having a
choice between being vassals and being free men, it deserts its liberties and
takes on the yoke, gives consent to its own misery, or, rather, apparently
welcomes it.” —French judge, writer, political philosopher
Etienne de la Boetie (1530-1563) The
Left: “The abuse of federal political power to
intervene in areas such as Americans’ private health care could exist
only in a nation that no longer holds its leaders accountable to its
constitution and that has governmental leadership that regards itself as
above its people and its constitution. Sadly, I was listening to an interview
the other day in which President Barack Obama described the U.S. Constitution
as ‘an imperfect document ... a document that reflects some deep flaws
... (and) an enormous blind spot.’ He also said, ‘The Framers had
that same blind spot.’ In so doing, the president established a
rationale and justification for disregarding the Constitution. Even worse, he
placed himself above the Constitution and those ‘blind Framers,’
who just couldn’t see the big picture as he does today. After all, he’s
the constitutional scholar, and the Framers were just, well, the creators of
the document!” —columnist Chuck Norris The
Last Word: “Once the state swells to a certain size, the
people available to fill the ever expanding number of government jobs will be
statists — sometimes hard-core Marxist statists, sometimes
social-engineering multiculti statists, sometimes fluffily ‘compassionate’
statists, but always statists. The short history of the postwar welfare state
is that you don’t need a president-for-life if you’ve got a
bureaucracy-for-life: The people can elect ‘conservatives,’ as
the Germans have done and the British are about to do, and the left is mostly
relaxed about it because, in all but exceptional cases (Thatcher), they
fulfill the same function in the system as the first-year boys at wintry
English boarding schools who for tuppence-ha’penny or some such would
agree to go and warm the seat in the unheated lavatories until the prefects
strolled in and took their rightful place. Republicans are good at keeping
the seat warm. A big-time GOP consultant was on TV crowing that Republicans
wanted the Dems to pass ObamaCare because it’s so unpopular it will
guarantee a GOP sweep in November. Okay, then what? You’ll roll it back
— like you’ve rolled back all those other unsustainable
entitlements premised on cobwebbed actuarial tables from 80 years ago? Like
you’ve undone the Department of Education and of Energy and all the
other nickel ‘n’ dime novelties of even a universally reviled
one-term loser like Jimmy Carter? Andrew McCarthy concluded a shrewd analysis
of the political realities thus: ‘Health care is a loser for the Left
only if the Right has the steel to undo it. The Left is banking on an absence
of steel. Why is that a bad bet?’ Indeed.” —columnist Mark
Steyn 3/7/2010: Case
For a Scythe? by George Will WASHINGTON -- It is said, more frequently than
precisely, that the reasons the Supreme Court gives for doing whatever it
does are as important as what it does. Actually, the court’s reasons
are what it does. Hence, the interest in the case the Supreme Court
considered last week. It probably will result in a routine ruling that
extends a 2008 decision and renders dubious many state and local gun control
laws. What could -- but, judging from the justices’ remarks during oral
argument, probably will not -- make the ruling momentous would be the court
deciding that the two ordinances at issue violate the 14th Amendment’s “privileges
or immunities” clause. Liberals and conservatives submitted briefs
arguing, correctly, that this clause was intended to be a scythe for slicing
through thickets of state and local laws abridging fundamental liberties. The Second Amendment says: “A well-regulated
militia, being necessary to the security of a free state, the right of the
people to keep and bear arms, shall not be infringed.” Until 2008, the
court had never clarified whether the prefatory clause makes this right
conditional: Does the amendment protect an individual’s right to own
firearms, or does it protected that right only in connection with a state’s
right to organize a militia? In 2008, the court struck down a District of Columbia
law that effectively banned possession of handguns even in an owner’s
home -- it banned all guns not kept at businesses, or disassembled or
disabled by trigger locks. The court held, 5-4, that the Second Amendment
protects individuals’ rights. But the court answered only the question then posed,
which concerned the federal enclave of D.C. Left unanswered was whether the
amendment protects that right against severe restrictions by state and local
laws. The oral argument concerned ordinances in Chicago and
suburban Oak Park that are indistinguishable from the D.C. law. The court
probably will overturn those ordinances by holding that another part of the
14th Amendment -- the guarantee that no state shall deny liberty “without
due process of law” -- “incorporates” the Second Amendment.
The justices evinced scant interest Tuesday in resurrecting the “privileges
or immunities” clause by revisiting an incoherent decision rendered in
1873. To the drafters of the 14th Amendment, the phrase “privileges
or immunities” was synonymous with “basic civil rights.”
But in 1873, the court held that only some of the rights enumerated in the
Bill of Rights restrict states by being “incorporated” into the
14th Amendment’s “due process” clause. Since 1897, the court has held, with no discernible
principle, that some rights enumerated in the Bill of Rights are sufficiently
fundamental to be “incorporated” but others are not. This
doctrine bears the oxymoronic name “substantive due process.”
Substance is what process questions are not about. If the court now “incorporates” the
Second Amendment right via the “due process” guarantee, that will
be progress because it will enlarge the sphere of protected liberty. And even
Justice Antonin Scalia, who recognizes that “substantive due process”
is intellectual applesauce, thinks it is too late to repudiate 137 years of
the stuff. Still, three points argue for using the “privileges or
immunities” scythe against the two gun ordinances. First, protecting the individual’s right to
keep and bear arms for self-defense was frequently mentioned by those who
drafted and ratified the 14th Amendment, the purpose of which was to protect
former slaves and their advocates from being disarmed by state and local
governments determined to assault their security and limit their autonomy. Second, the central tenet of American political
philosophy is that government is instituted not to bestow rights but to
protect pre-existing rights, aka natural rights -- those essential to the
flourishing of our natures. In its 2008 decision, the court affirmed that the
Second Amendment did not grant a right to keep and bear arms, it “codified
a pre-existing right.” Third, “privileges or immunities” are all
those rights that, at the time the 14th Amendment was ratified, were
understood to be central to Americans’ enjoyment of the blessings of
liberty. Liberals might hope and conservatives might fear that
a revivified “privileges or immunities” clause wielded by liberal
justices would breed many new “positive rights” -- to welfare,
health care, etc. But conservatives know that “substantive due process”
already has such a pernicious potential. And they believe that if -- a huge
caveat -- it remained tethered to the intent of its 19th-century authors, the
“privileges or immunities” clause would be useful protection
against the statism of the states. 3/7/2010: Why
the Left Despises Personal Responsibility by Kevin McCullough If you wish to see an enjoyable evening with friends
become quite animated, then overly hostile, and end in exacting bitterness,
ask those in attendance to choose between the following. As an individual citizen, is it more American to
believe that you have a personal responsibility to be personally accountable
for your actions, and those of your family? Or is it more American to believe
that you should wait for the giant collective to take care of you? This did not use to be a controversial concept. Until
liberals decided that power is more highly coveted than freedom. Once they
did, they started systematically enslaving people to the collective. Take the
President for example. President Barack Obama’s tendency to drink too
much, and his inability to stop smoking was revealed publicly this week. His
refusal to stop smoking, and his need, according to the White House physician’s
official diagnosis, to moderate his alcohol consumption are huge red flags,
health-wise. In fact aggressive or “non-moderate” alcohol intake,
and cigarette smoking specifically (pipes and cigars are not nearly as
dangerous) contribute to many poor health factors that do not show up
immediately. Yet everything from heart disease to various cancers can be
accelerated due to these behaviors. But in President Obama’s world, personal
responsibility barely means anything. He seldom exhibits it, and the nation
that voted for him reviles it. “Oh too far, Kevin,” you may be saying. But it’s not. On my nationwide morning show on March 2, 2010, I asked
this very question, and the responses floored me. Geographically speaking, it
made no difference. From the east, west, north, and south, protestations and
attempted justifications declared repeatedly that the collective has more
responsibility for the individual’s happiness than the individual. And friends if this IS the belief of the nation, we’ve
lost America. The reason our founders were so attentive to
individual rights, and focused so hard to embed them into the bedrock of our
legal outlines was because they understood that to be at the mercy of the
collective, was in fact to be at the mercy of a powerful few. President Obama may not wish to curb his habits as it
relates to his health. But generally speaking, such risky behavior should put
him outside the boundaries of expecting to have other people pay for his
cancer surgery, his diseased liver, or the eventual recovery from a stroke or
heart attack should the unthinkable occur. He, however, (who ironically will be guaranteed all
of that and more through the tax-payer employment benefit we bestow on him
for his service to us in office) will argue again and again that it should be
the requirement of the neighbor who eats fresh vegetables to pay for the
costly therapy of the guy who lunches daily on Big Macs. Thus this is the irony wrapped in the enigma. Liberals claim the collective owes the individual,
while elected liberals who hold office make such arguments to attain greater
power as the masses become enslaved to entitlement, falsely thinking they’re
getting what is owed them. In reality, God states that man (genus not sex) shall
provide for and protect his family. In reality, God has instructed that lazy
men should not receive the fruits of other men’s labor. In reality, God
makes it clear that if a man does not work, he should not eat. (Meaning that
intentional slothfulness is not to be rewarded if society is to function
properly.) The irony of all this is also not lost on me. Individuals who wake up in the morning, rub their
eyes, and know in their hearts that they will only rise or fall by the
results of their own efforts, also categorically tend to also be the people
who are the most generous with those who do fall on hard times. Giving
billions each year to ease the pain of hunger and suffering in other lands,
while at the same time taking dinner to a next door neighbor who just lost
his job. Those who sit waiting for the collective to care for
them do so at the expense of the survival of free society. But if you’re President Obama, or any one of
his millions of supporters, what do you have to lose in another few drinks
before bed, or sneaking a smoke before the girls get home from school? Hey, if something bad does happen... He doesn’t
have to pay for it! 3/5/2010: from Best
of the Web By James Taranto Former Enron adviser Paul Krugman takes note in his
New York Times column of what he calls “the incredible gap that has
opened up between the parties”: Today, Democrats and Republicans live in different
universes, both intellectually and morally. “What Democrats believe,” he says “is
what textbook economics says”: But that’s not how Republicans see it. Here’s
what Senator Jon Kyl of Arizona, the second-ranking Republican in the Senate,
had to say when defending Mr. Bunning’s position (although not joining
his blockade): unemployment relief “doesn’t create new jobs. In
fact, if anything, continuing to pay people unemployment compensation is a
disincentive for them to seek new work.” Krugman scoffs: “To me, that’s a bizarre
point of view--but then, I don’t live in Mr. Kyl’s universe.” What does textbook economics have to say about this
question? Here is a passage from a textbook called “Macroeconomics”: Public policy designed to help workers who lose their
jobs can lead to structural unemployment as an unintended side effect. . . .
In other countries, particularly in Europe, benefits are more generous and
last longer. The drawback to this generosity is that it reduces a worker’s
incentive to quickly find a new job. Generous unemployment benefits in some
European countries are widely believed to be one of the main causes of “Eurosclerosis,”
the persistent high unemployment that affects a number of European countries. So it turns out that what Krugman calls Sen. Kyl’s
“bizarre point of view” is, in fact, textbook economics. The
authors of that textbook are Paul Krugman and Robin Wells. Miss Wells is also
known as Mrs. Paul Krugman. It seems Krugman himself lives in two different
universes--the universe of the academic economist and the universe of the
bitter partisan columnist. Or maybe this is like that episode of “Star
Trek” in which crewmen from the Enterprise switched places with their counterparts
from a universe in which everyone was the same, only evil. Like Spock, the evil Krugman is the one with the
beard.
3/2/2010:
from Best of the Web: Is ‘Climate
Science.’ Science? Phil Jones, head of the scandal-plagued Climate Research
Center at the University of East Anglia, testified yesterday before a
committee of Britain’s Parliament, the Times of London reports: Professor Jones denied that he had tried to
prevent alternative views being published by influencing the process of peer
review under which scientific papers are scrutinised. He said: “I don’t think there is
anything in those e-mails that supports any view that I have been trying to
pervert the peer review process . . .” He added that it “hasn’t
been standard practice” in climate science for all data to be
disclosed. In one of the emails, as the Washington Post
reported in November, Jones wrote: ““I can’t see either of
these papers being in the next IPCC report. Kevin and I will keep them out
somehow--even if we have to redefine what the peer-review literature is!”
Sounds perverted to us. As for Jones’s claim that disclosing data “hasn’t
been standard practice,” the Times reports on an authoritative
rebuttal: The Institute of Physics said that e-mails sent
by Professor Phil Jones, head of the Climatic Research Unit at the University
of East Anglia, had broken “honourable scientific traditions”
about disclosing raw data and methods and allowing them to be checked by
critics. . . . In a written submission to the committee, the
institute said that, assuming the e-mails were genuine, “worrying
implications arise for the integrity of scientific research in this field and
for the credibility of the scientific method as practised in this context.” The e-mails contained “prima facie evidence
of determined and co-ordinated refusals to comply with honourable scientific
traditions and freedom of information law,” it added. At this point, there’s a real question as
to whether “climate science” even deserves to be called science. Great
Moments in Higher Education “San Francisco high school students, just
months out of middle school, can start earning San Francisco State college
credit this fall through a ninth-grade ethnic studies course,” reports
the San Francisco Chronicle. Apparently this is not a joke: The program is designed for students who might
not otherwise be considering college as an option, said Jacob Perea, dean of
the School of Education, who runs the Step to College program at San
Francisco State. “We’re not really looking for the 4.4
(grade point average) students,” he said. “We’re looking
for the 2.1 or 2.2 students.” Students cannot fail the class. They either
receive a “pass” grade or are withdrawn from the course if it
appears they cannot pass, Perea said. “All we do is give them an opportunity,”
he said. “I do believe that (the ethnic studies) course is a course set
up so the kids will come out of there with the kind of information that a
freshman here taking an ethnic studies course will have.” The content of the courses offered in the Step to
College program are reviewed by CSU faculty to ensure that they’re
equal to any offered at the university. What does it tell you about the California State
University system that its classes are equal to those offered high school
freshmen? On a more serious note, however, this may suggest
a way out of California’s budget mess: Why not abolish high schools,
fire all their unionized teachers, and send kids straight from middle school
to CSU? 3/2/2010:
Meddling Where We Oughtn’t...Yet Again Mexico, if left alone,
would be a reasonably successful and stable country of the upper Third World.
It isn’t Haiti, isn’t Bangladesh, isn’t a dying patient
with multiple tubes in every orifice. If not strong-armed into chaos, it
would be all right. But the United States won’t
leave it alone. Washington is pushing it to wage Washington’s “war
on drugs.” As usual, Washington has no idea what it is doing. Nor does
it care. Should untoward consequences follow, it will be surprised, this
being the characteristic condition of American foreign policy. Untoward consequences are
quite available. The narcotraficantes that Mexico is supposed to fight for
Washington are a formidable armed force. They have unlimited money, which
they use to buy heavy weapons. They have unlimited money, which they use to
corrupt the government of a comparatively poor country. Mexico does not have
the wherewithal to fight them. The army here is small and poorly armed. This
is reasonable since Mexico has neither territorial ambitions nor enemies.
Except, certainly in effect, the United States. The government is
outgunned by the narcos. Further, the traffickers have the advantage of being
dispersed and invisible. The situation is, or quickly could be, exactly that
faced by the US in Vietnam, Iraq, and Afghanistan: narcos can appear from
nowhere, blow up police stations, assassinate judges, or kill a dozen
teenagers at a party. Then they disappear. Thus they can destabilize
the nation and hold the population hostage. This doesn’t bother
Americans, who barely know where Mexico is. It bothers Mexicans, who know their
people are dying in an exported American war. Bear in mind that
anti-Americanism thrives here and throughout Latin America. Much of it is
justified; some of it isn’t. The US population, the most
comprehensively ignorant of the advanced world, knows nothing of the reasons
or of the countries. But the hostility is real. Shrugging it off could prove
a mistake. If Mexicans had to choose
between the drug lords, who are often seen as counter-culture heroes, and the
US, seen as an enemy too dangerous to be openly called an enemy, many would
go with their compatriots in the drug trade. A repertoire of narco-corridos,
songs glorifying the narcos, exists. Los Tigres del Norte in Sinaloa have
specialized in these. Although Mexico doesn’t
have America’s festering antagonisms--blacks hate whites hate browns
hate men hate women hate Jews— there are groups, particularly in
Chiapas, who are potential insurgents. If they should ally themselves with
the narcos and go to the mountains, or set up cells in the cities, the result
would be a long, bloody civil war: Afghanistan on the US border. This is not
Freddian fantasy. Thoughtful Mexicans worry about it. The Mexican army cannot
handle an uprising of any magnitude. The Pentagon would then intervene to “help”
Mexico. Que dios nos ayude. The Pentagon is working
toward intervention, whether it knows that it is or not. There is something
called the Merida Initiative, in which the US supplies money and advice to
transform Mexican society to combat the narcos. The colonels in the
Five-Sided Squirrel Cage really believe they can reform the Mexican judiciary
and infuse the police with virtuous fervor for American ideals. I spoke to a
field-grade American officer about this. He had taken a six-month intensive
course in Spanish at the Defense Language Institute and spoke less Spanish
than my daughter did after two weeks here. The money would be used to reform
the Mexican government, he said, which would then make short work of the
narcos. He explained this with the earnest mission-orientedness that officers
display when they are about to do something senseless. I didn’t say, “Give
me a freaking break,” because I knew it would accomplish nothing. You
don’t “reform” countries you don’t understand by
solemn brainless enthusiasm. The money would vanish like water in dry sand.
Mexico does not want to be remade in the image of the United States, for
remarkably good reasons. The more the US meddles, the less legitimate the
government that permits it will be. Not a good idea. Why does the military
regularly misestimate the nature of the Third World? Because soldiers live,
and think, in a rigid, conformist, orderly world in which good (us) and evil
(them) are starkly distinct, in which one gives orders and things happen, in
which all are on the team and working toward a common goal. Officers are
insular, self-righteous, ruthless (after all, they are fighting Evil) and
clueless. The workings of the Third World are the polar opposite of
orderliness of the military. The colonels are instantly lost in the complex
relationships, informal arrangements, family loyalties and invisible politics
of Latin America. And they do not understand that when they intervene, they
are not the good guys. This is why we hear again
and again from some buzz-cut horse’s ass with stars on his shoulders
about how we are trying so hard to “help the Afghan people.” One might ask: Why are
drugs Mexico’s problem? Americans, huge numbers of them, want drugs. If
they didn’t want drugs, the narcos couldn’t sell the stuff. But
the American government doesn’t want its citizens to have drugs. Fine.
Let the government attack its own citizens. Leave others out of it. Washington isn’t
going to rid the US of drugs any more than it rid the country of alcohol.
Popular demand is far too great. The US crawls with crank labs, open-air
crack markets, meth cookers, fields of marijuhweenie too large not to have
been noticed by state authorities. California talks of legalizing grass in
defiance of the Feds. All God’s chillun loves drugs—good ol’
boys, Ivy League students, their professors, high-school kids, middle-class
suburbanies, congressman, musicians, and several Republicans. Mexico is going
to change this? They must be smoking something good in DC. A friend recently told me
of being in a boat off Florida with several honeys in bikinis aboard. A Coast
Guard cutter pulled alongside because the guys wanted to look at the babes.
My buddy, being sociable, hollered, “What are you guys doing?” “We’re looking
for drugs.” “Oh. We’ll
follow you.” Whereupon the Coast
Guardies broke out laughing. Even the cops don’t really care. Mexico can’t fix
things, if indeed they are broken. Leave the place alone. 3/3/2010:
Who Poses the Greater Threat?
by Walter E. Williams Bill Gates is the world’s
richest person, but what kind of power does he have over you? Can he force
your kid to go to a school you do not want him to attend? Can he deny you the
right to braid hair in your home for a living? It turns out that a local
politician, who might deny us the right to earn a living and dictates which
school our kid attends, has far greater power over our lives than any rich
person. Rich people can gain power over us, but to do so, they must get
permission from our elected representatives at the federal, state or local
levels. For example, I might wish to purchase sugar from a Caribbean
producer, but America’s sugar lobby pays congressmen hundreds of
thousands of dollars in campaign contributions to impose sugar import tariffs
and quotas, forcing me and every other American to purchase their more
expensive sugar. Politicians love pitting
us against the rich. All by themselves, the rich have absolutely no power
over us. To rip us off, they need the might of Congress to rig the economic
game. It’s a slick political sleight-of-hand where politicians and
their allies amongst the intellectuals, talking heads and the news media get
us caught up in the politics of envy as part of their agenda for greater
control over our lives. The sugar lobby is just
one example among thousands. Just ask yourself: Who were the major recipients
of the billions of taxpayer bailout dollars, the so-called Troubled Asset
Relief Program (TARP)? The top recipients of TARP handouts included companies
such as Citibank, AIG, Goldman Sachs and General Motors. Their top management
are paid tens of millions dollars to run companies that were on the verge of
bankruptcy, were it not for billions of dollars in taxpayer money.
Politicians preach the politics of envy whilst reaching into the ordinary man’s
pockets, through the IRS, and handing it over to their favorite rich people
and others who make large contributions to their election efforts. The bottom line is that it
is politicians first and their supporters amongst intellectuals who pose the
greatest threat to liberty. Dr. Thomas Sowell amply demonstrates this in his
brand-new book, “Intellectuals and Society,” in which he points
out that: “Scarcely a mass-murdering dictator of the twentieth century
was without his intellectual supporters, not simply in his own country, but
also in foreign democracies ... Lenin, Stalin, Mao and Hitler all had their
admirers, defenders and apologists among the intelligentsia in Western democratic
nations, despite the fact that these dictators each ended up killing people
of their own country on a scale unprecedented even by despotic regimes that
preceded them.” While American politicians
and intellectuals have not reached the depths of tyrants such as Lenin,
Stalin, Mao and Hitler, they share a common vision. Tyrants denounce free
markets and voluntary exchange. They are the chief supporters of reduced
private property rights, reduced rights to profits, and they are
anti-competition and pro-monopoly. They are pro-control and coercion, by the
state. These Americans who run Washington, and their intellectual supporters,
believe they have superior wisdom and greater intelligence than the masses.
They believe they have been ordained to forcibly impose that wisdom on the
rest of us. Like any other tyrant, they have what they consider good reasons
for restricting the freedom of others. A tyrant’s primary agenda calls
for the elimination or attenuation of the market. Why? Markets imply
voluntary exchange and tyrants do [not] trust that people behaving
voluntarily will do what the tyrant thinks they should do. Therefore, they
seek to replace the market with economic planning and regulation, which is
little more than the forcible superseding of other people’s plans by
the powerful elite. We Americans have
forgotten founder Thomas Paine’s warning that “Government, even
in its best state, is but a necessary evil; in its worst state, an
intolerable one.” 3/1/2010:
from the Daily Reckoning The zombies are taking over! Stocks went up 4
points on the Dow on Friday... Gold went up $10. Noise. Distraction.
Headlines. Opinions. The important trend is the big one – the
shift of resources from the private sector to the public sector. During the
bubble years, the private sector made a big, big mistake – taking on
far too much debt. Now, it is correcting its
mistake...reluctantly, painfully, and with plenty of foot-dragging and
interference from the government. Instead of letting the dead die in
peace...the feds are pumping financial adrenaline into their veins...turning
them into zombies. It’s expensive
work...so government is now making the same mistake the private sector made a
few years ago. It’s pretending that debt-fueled spending is the same as
growth. Ain’t no such thing. The feds’ “growth” is even more
pernicious and counterfeit than the bubble era growth in the private sector.
At least people actually wanted houses...they just couldn’t afford to
pay for them. The feds, on the other hand, produce things that
people wouldn’t buy even if they had the money – zombie products.
Who would buy a billion- dollar software program to spy on other people? Who
would pay other people to do nothing? Who would take on the debts of a
failing financial institution? Consider this, from
Bloomberg: “Fannie Mae will seek $15.3 billion in US aid, bringing the
total owed under a government lifeline to $76.2 billion, after its 10th
consecutive quarterly loss. “The mortgage-finance
company posted a fourth-quarter net loss of $16.3 billion, or $2.87 a share,
Washington-based Fannie Mae said in a filing yesterday with the Securities
and Exchange Commission. “Fannie Mae, which
owns or guarantees about 28 percent of the $11.8 trillion US home-loan
market, has been hobbled by a three-year housing slump that wiped 28 percent
from home values nationwide and led to record foreclosures. The company,
which posted $120.5 billion in losses over the previous nine quarters, and rival
Freddie Mac were seized by regulators in September 2008.” Did you read that
carefully? Fannie Mae guarantees almost a third of the $12 trillion home
mortgage market – or about $4 trillion. And guess who guarantees Fannie
Mae? You do! Fannie made bad loans. It
ought to be put down, like a horse with a broken leg. But Fannie’s
bondholders don’t take a loss. The losses have been moved to the public
sector and Fannie itself has been turned into a zombie company. Assets, liabilities,
spending – it’s all shuffling over to the government...and
sucking the life out of the private sector. In the area of durable goods,
only about 4.4% of them, on average, were purchased by the pentagon over the
last 17 years. But since the beginning of the financial crisis, durable spending
by private industry decreased...while pentagon spending went up. The most
recent figures show that 8% of durable orders are now bought by the military. Recovery? Don’t bet
on it. This government spending only makes it look like a recovery. The numbers
may show an increase in durable goods sold, but tanks and armored personnel
carriers don’t lead to genuine growth. They lead to Soviet-style zombie
growth...by the government, of the government, and for the government. The
rest of the economy shrinks… Everyone says the euro is
falling apart...that Europe itself can’t survive as a political unit. Europe seems to lack the
things that make for a strong political system. It has no common language,
for example (there are more than 200 different languages in Europe). And it
has no common culture either...or even a common religion...or a common race. The Greeks are rioting in
the streets. They’re upset because their government is trying to cut
back on “services.” Actually, it’s not the services that
anyone would miss. It’s the money. The rioters are mostly people who
live, in one way or another, at the expense of others...thanks to the
government. They work for the government...or get handouts from it. The poor Greek government is stuck. As in almost
all other democracies [just like California], politicians bought votes by
giving out jobs and money. This leads to a bidding war...in which political
parties vie for favor with the voters by offering more and more “services.”
One gives away bread. The other prefers circuses. Whether it is food stamps
or foreign wars...the price is high. And eventually, the bids go beyond the
capacity of the economy to pay them. Greece is at that point. So are half the US
states. They’re out of money. It’s “doomsday” in
Illinois, says one headline. It’s a “state of emergency,”
in New Jersey. Lenders don’t want
to give them any more money. Wisely, they worry they won’t get paid
back. So, lenders demand higher interest rates to cover their increased
risks...which puts the Greek budget even further in the red. The Greeks think the
Germans should come to their aid. Why? Because, in a way, it was the Germans
who got them into this mess. Nobody would have lent so much money to the
Greeks had it not been for the strong teuton-backed euro...and the implicit
promise that if the Greeks got into trouble...which everyone knew they
would...the rest of Europe would come to their aid. Well, what do you know?
The Greeks are in trouble. And the Germans don’t want to come to their
aid. The Germans saved. They ran their own economy better. They are one of
the few countries in Europe that is living, almost, within the terms of the
treaty they all signed, in which they agreed to keep deficits below 3% of
GDP. The German deficit is just a little more than 3%. The Greeks don’t
even come close – with a deficit of 12.7%. In America, the situation is a little different.
The economy and the population are more homogenous. And much more of the
money is in the hands of the central government. The Germans don’t see
why their savings should be used to bail out the Greeks. They’ve got
their economy. The Greeks have theirs. In the US, while there are regional
differences, there is basically one economy...with one government that messes
it up for everyone. Is the US better off? Does central planning on a
larger scale make the US dollar or the US economy stronger? In fact, the looseness of
the European experiment is a strength, not a weakness. What damages a paper
currency is not an act of omission; it’s an act of commission.
Neglecting to provide more cash and credit is not what kills paper money; on
the contrary, it’s the willingness to provide unlimited amounts of it.
So far, the Americans are. The Europeans – or at least the Germans
– are not. So, we’ll bet on the
euro over the long term...both the euro and the dollar are “elastic”
currencies. They both get stretched out of shape. But there are more people
pulling at the dollar than the euro. In the short run, anything
could happen. There are probably more reasons for the dollar to go up than
for it to go down. But in the long run, our money is on the euro. 3/1/2010: “Americans cherish their independence. One interesting aspect of the spontaneous tea party movement is the constant invocation of the Founders and the prominence of the ‘Don’t Tread on Me’ flag... Americans tend to see themselves as independent doers, not dependent victims. They don’t like to be told, especially by those with fancy academic pedigrees, that they are helpless and in need of government aid. That’s why the politically popular American big government programs – Social Security, Medicare, veterans’ benefits, student loans – all make a connection between effort and reward. You get a benefit because you’ve worked for it. [that “connection between effort and reward is rather tenuous for Social Security and Medicare] In contrast, Americans have loathed and rejected big government programs with no nexus between effort and reward. Welfare was begun in the 1930s to help widows with children, whose plight, as Russell Baker’s memoir ‘Growing Up’ showed, was often dismal. But when welfare became a mass program to subsidize mothers who didn’t work and to excuse fathers from responsibility for their actions, it became wildly unpopular. Bill Clinton recognized this when he signed welfare reform in 1996... Barack Obama, who has chosen to live his adult life in university precincts, sees... Americans generally as victims who need his help, people who would be better off dependent on government than on their own. Most American voters don’t want to see themselves that way and resent this condescension.” —Michael Barone |
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Read Blogs from Prior Months |
Other Information about Dale F. Ogden
Dale F. Ogden for Governor
of
California 2010
www.dalefogden.org
Dale F. Ogden & Associates
Actuaries
& Management Consultants
www.usactuary.com
Dale F. Ogden, Libertarian, for
California Insurance
Commissioner, 2006
Dale F. Ogden, Libertarian, for
California State Senate, 2004
Dale F. Ogden, Libertarian, for
California Insurance
Commissioner, 2002
Dale F. Ogden, Libertarian, for
California State Assembly,
2000
Dale F. Ogden, Libertarian, for
California
Insurance Commissioner, 1998